scholarly journals France's Colonial Sins In Africa: Is France Really Not An Accomplice To The Rwandan Genocide?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Critical Juncture ◽  
Direct Role ◽  
Rwandan Genocide ◽  
National Education ◽  
French Government ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
European Colonialism ◽  
West European

Roughly speaking, the "Scramble for Africa" refers to the infamous invasion by the West European colonists between 1884 and 1914 of Africa and the dividing of the continent into different zones under the so-called names of protectorates, colonies, and free-trade areas. Hence, it can be said that West European colonialism set the stage for most of the deep sufferings of today's Africa by sowing the seeds of future conflicts through unbridled greed and selfishness. During the Rwandan genocide of 1994, members of the Hutu ethnic majority murdered as many as 800,000 people, mostly of the Tutsi minority. France did not have a direct role as a colonial administration in Rwanda. However, since France has historically played a leading role in the colonization of Africa, she tried to be the dominant actor in the region in every sense in the 1990s.France's efforts to manipulate domestic politics in Rwanda; its close ties with the ruling Hutu government; her arms sales to the country; her use of military force under the guise of defending the la francophonie (French-speaking world) and while doing so pushing aside the UN force; taking a stand with the Hutu forces in "Opération Turquoise" instead of being impartial as stipulated in the UNSC resolution caused France to be confronted with serious allegations that she was complicit with the Hutu in the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda.Recently published comprehensive report prepared by an US law firm upon the request of Rwandan government about the role of the French government in connection with the 1994 Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda ends up with the conclusion that "the French government bears significant responsibility for enabling a foreseeable genocide."French President Emanuel Macron on 5 April 2019, by sending a letter to Prof. Vincent Duclert, a historian and Inspector General of French National Education, asked the establishment of a commission under his presidency to examine all the French archives concerning Rwanda, covering the years 1990-1994. The report prepared by the Research Commission (the Duclert Report) was presented to President Macron on 26 March 2021. It is mentioned in the report that "The Commission doubtlessly missed certain documents, those that either disappeared or were never deposited in public archival centers." It is understood from the statements of Duclert in the interviews he gave after the publication of the report that the President of the French National Assembly did not grant access to the archives of the Parliament on this subject. The Duclert report stated that “the French authority demonstrated a continual blindness in their support for a racist, corrupt and violent regime... The Rwandan crisis ended in disaster for Rwanda and in defeat for France.”. However, the report also claimed that France is not an accomplice to the genocide of the Tutsi. The report explained this point in the following way: “Is France an accomplice to the genocide of the Tutsi? If by this we mean a willingness to join a genocidal operation, nothing in the archives that were examined demonstrates this.”The 1990s constitute a "critical juncture" in world history.In this context, it should be remembered that notable political events and developments were concentrated in the 1990s.In fact, the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda is one of the most horrific chapters of this "critical juncture". Despite what was written about the actions of French governments in Rwanda in the 1990s before, during, and after the genocide, the truth about the responsibility of the then French authorities continues to be obscured.

Explaining the Long-Term Maintenance of a Military Regime: Panama before the U.S. Invasion

1992 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 210-234 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve C. Ropp
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Military Force ◽  
International Banking ◽  
Military Regimes ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military ◽  
Term Maintenance ◽  
The U.S

Before the U.S. invasion of December 1989, Panama experienced one of the longest periods of military rule in the modern-day history of Latin America. While numerous authoritarian military regimes emerged in the region during the 1960s and established for themselves a relatively high degree of autonomy from both domestic and international actors, only those in Panama, Paraguay, and Chile survived until the late 1980s. And of these three surviving military regimes, only Panama's was ended through the application of external military force. For the past several years, there has been considerable discussion of the factors that seem best to account for General Manuel Antonio Noriega's personal ability to resist U.S. pressure from 1987 until 1989 and to largely insulate himself from the political and economic constraints of Panamanian domestic politics. However, much less attention has been devoted to discussion of the factors that explain the long-term maintenance of the military authoritarian regime in existence for fifteen years prior to his assumption of power. This analysis suggests that the long-term maintenance of Panama's military authoritarian regime was due in large part to its ability to acquire substantial amounts of foreign capital. During the 1970s, such capital was preferentially obtained from the international banking community. During the 1980s, it was obtained through illicit activities of various kinds, including participation in the growing international drug trade.

scholarly journals Higher Education System: Key Subjects of Educational Policy

Eduweb ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-169
Author(s):  
Tatyana N. Vasyagina ◽  
Natalya V. Osipova
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Educational Policy ◽  
Education System ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Secondary Analysis ◽  
The State ◽  
Sociological Research ◽  
Higher Education System ◽  
National Education ◽  
Leading Role

The article is devoted to the key subjects of educational policy, on which the quality of the educational sphere depends. One of these subjects is teachers of higher educational institutions as a special social group, which has a leading role in shaping the intellectual, professional and scientific potential of society. A lot of research is devoted to the problems of teachers, but the issues of their self-identification remain relevant and, at the same time, insufficiently studied. The capacity of narrow professionals to solve the complex tasks of social life is insufficient. Another key subject of educational policy is the state as a guarantor of quality higher education. In most European countries, the state, due to historical traditions and resources, remains the main guarantor of the national education system. In the article, on the basis of our own sociological studies conducted in one of Moscow universities among teachers and students, as well as a secondary analysis of sociological research data conducted in a number of regions and universities of the country, some problems were identified that prevent the creation of an effective management model in the field of education.

scholarly journals International military and civil relations discourse: the specificity of formation at the present stage

2021 ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Roman Titov
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
The Public ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Military ◽  
Different Levels

The article studies the specificity of formation of the concept of the information and communication sphere of international relations related to public legitimation of the use of military force. The relations between military and political subjects and the civil society, emerging in this process, are defined by the author as international military and civil relations. The research object is the international military and civil relations discourse formed by the participants for the purpose of organization, preparation and use of military force. The research subject is the peculiarity of its formation at the present stage. The author gives special attention to the issues of information activities of the military policy subjects on the Internet, noting the leading role of electronic media and social networks. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the application of the discourse approach to the analysis of the information activities of military and political subjects. Based on the current understanding of a discourse, the author considers it in terms of the reproduction of ideas in the public conscience. Being a component of the military and political discourse, the international military and civil relations discourse has some peculiarities determined by its purpose, the subjects, producing it, and the specificity of its formation at the present stage. The author suggests considering the international military and civil relations discourse as a developing in time communicative event with different levels of representation which are in constant conceptual connection. The textual level is represented by official documents and statements of heads of states and their coalitions. The contextual level - by discussions, debates and negotiations in Mass Media. The pre-contextual level is represented by feelings, emotions and conditions contained in the public mind and manifested in social networks users’ posts. The author arrives at the conclusion that the international military and civil relations discourse is used as a means of political influence reflecting the ideology and worldview of the subjects producing it.   

Western Balkans and the European Union

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gentian Elezi
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Slowing Down ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Accession Countries ◽  
Determining Factor ◽  
The Eu

The European integration process of the Western Balkans has been experiencing considerable stagnation since 2010, although the regional states have been formally following the accession stages. In spite of the remarkable achievements in the 2000s in terms of stability and engagement in reforms, the European Union (EU) conditionality policy is experiencing shortcomings in terms of tangible impact. Due also to its internal problems, the EU appears to have lost its shine in influencing domestic political agendas of the Western Balkan countries as in the case of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and has gradually lost the support of citizens in the region. This has had several consequences in terms of rising authoritarian practices, slowing down EU-related reforms and compliance with the acquis, some return to nationalistic rhetoric, and openness to influences of other global actors from the East, which do not necessarily maintain good relations with the EU. The enlargement fatigue that has affected the EU since the 2008 global crisis has had repercussions inside the EU institutions and domestic politics of member states. These changes have been reflected in the Union’s approach towards accession countries, undermining the credibility of the integration process and its commitment to the Western Balkans. The weakening of credibility and predictability on this path, together with the poor state capacities that characterize the Western Balkans, have produced some regress of the democracy indicators. The EU, with its conditionality, is still a determining factor in the trajectory of the countries of the region. However, there is a need to renew the commitments undertaken on both sides in order to make sure that the European perspective, stability, and democratization in the Western Balkans are irreversible and properly supported. The European Union is still considered the only game in town, but it has to face up to the enlargement fatigue and return to its leading role as an aspirational model for the Western Balkans.

Backing up, not backing down: Mitigating audience costs through policy substitution

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 559-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erik Lin-Greenberg
Keyword(s):  
Real World ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Crisis Bargaining ◽  
Audience Costs ◽  
Survey Experiments ◽  
The Future ◽  
Original Survey

Can a leader reduce the audience costs imposed for backing down completely on a threat by opting instead to ‘back up’ to a less hawkish policy? Current research examines the political repercussions of making a threat and then taking no action at all. Real world leaders, however, often ‘back up’ and implement policies that involve some action – for instance, imposing sanctions after threatening military force, rather than backing down entirely. This article argues that audience costs can be mitigated through policy substitution: backing up to less hawkish policies – that reduce inconsistency between a leader’s words and deeds – may reduce audience costs. A series of original survey experiments finds support for the argument and demonstrates that the population treats inconsistency as a continuum. The findings have implications for domestic politics and crisis bargaining. Domestically, a leader who backs up faces lower audience costs and is seen as more competent than one who backs down. Yet those on the receiving end of threats are less likely to believe the future threats of a foreign leader who has previously backed up or backed down. Backing up therefore degrades the credibility of crisis signals by making it difficult for rivals to distinguish between credible threats and those that will be backed up.

West Germany, 1954–1970

2018 ◽  
pp. 48-78
Author(s):  
Alexander Lanoszka
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
West Germany ◽  
Direct Role ◽  
The Cold War

Several leading international scholars argue that West Germany enjoyed limited autonomy in the Cold War and was thus susceptible to American coercion, especially on issues relating to nuclear weapons. This chapter challenges such arguments. It shows that the alliance with the United States was less useful for curbing West German nuclear ambitions than commonly presumed. It also demonstrates that in-theater conventional forces mattered for bolstering American extended nuclear guarantees to West Germany. American coercion of West Germany was important, but it played a much less direct role than what many scholars claim. Other factors—especially domestic politics—drove West Germany’s final choices pertaining to whether it should get nuclear weapons.

“Singing” in a primary school of the interwar period in the context of nationwide educational-ideological conceptions – source analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1(11)) ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Danuta Pietraszewska
Keyword(s):  
Music Education ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Source Analysis ◽  
Music Pedagogy ◽  
National Education ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Political Idea ◽  
School Curricula

One of the first objectives of the Polish state, restored after the period of partitions, was to develop a new, standardized and nationwide system of public education. During the interwar period, school curricula objectives were affected by changing political powers and reflected the government’s pursuits and ideas. In the first years after regaining independence, the focus was placed on the idea of national education and the development of good morals, alumni’s independence, as well as the necessity of learning through hands-on experience. The May Coup changed rules of the political system and, as a result, led to the formulation of an educational ideal emphasizing the concept of a state and the cult of the marshal Piłsudski’s figure. The article analyses assumptions of the “Singing” program so as to find an answer to the question of how the state’s political ideas were implemented on the grounds of general music education. A pedagogical-historical perspective, providing the context for musical issues, was adopted. An in-depth analysis of sources, such as legal acts, school curricula and pedagogical journals from the period of 1918-1939, showed that the leading role in delivering pedagogical-ideological objectives belonged to the teaching of singing as a form of education, and to a school song with patriotic, religious or ludic topics, which formed the rudiments of education and music pedagogy. Research findings indicate a relation between a political idea and content-related, methodological matters regarding education and music pedagogy.

THE FORMATION OF THE INSTITUTIONAL SYSTEM OF THE INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION OF LA FRANCOPHONIE

2018 ◽  
pp. 189-197
Author(s):  
Darina Vladimirovna NALETOVA
Keyword(s):  
International Association ◽  
International Organization ◽  
French Language ◽  
African Countries ◽  
National Education ◽  
Leading Role ◽  
The World ◽  
French Speaking ◽  
Institutional System

We examine questions of historical formation of the International Organization of La Francophonie as an institutional system (1950–1980). The characterization and analysis of the initial stages of the International Organization of La Francophonie institutionalization allows a better understanding of its historical and modern ideological principles. It is noted that the world system of Francophonie begins to take shape in the middle of the 20th century. We analyze various projects for the creation of the International Organization of La Francophonie, which influenced the legal structure of the organization, its traditions, as well as relations with french-speaking states and other linguistic associations (International Association of French-Speaking Journalists and Press, The Union of French Culture, The Conference of Ministers of National Education of French-Speaking States, etc.). It shows the importance of both Western European and African countries and their political leaders in the development of the Francophonie project as an international organization, as well as the leading role of France. It is noted that the whole Francophone space became the springboard of the Union’s actions, and the goal was to protect and spread the French language and Francophone culture in the world. We conclude that the process of institutionalization of the International Organization of La Francophonie has played a huge role in maintaining the status of the French language and the role of France in the global space.

scholarly journals The Limited Role of the Japanese Military: The 2003 Iraq War and the War on the Islamic State

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Mieczysław P. Boduszyński ◽  
Christopher K. Lamont ◽  
Philip Streich
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
Defensive Realism

What determines Japan's willingness to flex its limited military muscle abroad? While analysts and scholars closely watched Japanese "militarization" under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe (2012-2020), Japan had already deployed its military overseas over a decade ago in support of U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. By contrast, in 2014, Japan was unwilling to support U.S.-led operations against the Islamic State (ISIL) in Iraq and Syria. This presents a puzzle, as the fight against ISIL offered the kind of international legitimacy that the 2003 Iraq invasion lacked, and Japan traditionally seeks. Moreover, ISIL had killed Japanese citizens. This paper explains Japan's varying policies in Iraq in 2003 and 2014, thereby shedding light on the determinants of Japanese national security policy more generally. Our argument focuses on domestic political factors (especially the pluralist foreign policymaking) and strategic thinking rooted in realism. We argue that Japanese policies are driven by domestic politics, profound suspicions about the utility of military force and fears of becoming entangled in a seemingly never-ending conflict. While Koizumi may have had more room to manoeuvre despite long-standing public opposition to overseas military deployments when he dispatched the SDF to Iraq in 2003, it is precisely such deeply-entrenched popular anathema that many blame for the Liberal Democratic Party's (LDP) historic and devastating loss in the 2009 election. Abe was unwilling to repeat such a risky venture in 2014. We also highlight the role of realist calculations on both Japanese elites and the public, who by 2014 had come to see China rather than state or non-state actors in the Middle East as a primary security threat. We thus confirm Midford's finding that "defensive realism" tends to drive Japanese foreign policy thinking. Japanese citizens are not pacifists, as conventional wisdom might hold. Instead, Japanese public opinion supports the use of minimum military force when and if Japan is attacked to defend Japan's national sovereignty and territory but is much more suspicious of such power when it comes to deployments and the pursuit of other foreign policy goals.

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