There Will Be Trouble

TURBA ◽  
2022 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-102

It is perhaps more relevant now than ever before to prepare the ground for a pedagogical discussion on theater curation. Theater festivals have recently become prominent in India. It is true that India has cherished a ubiquitous tradition of festivals—utsavs and mahotsavs—for hundreds of years. Take, for example, the staging of Kudiyattam at ancient Sanskrit koothambalams, which would last several weeks in a festival atmosphere; the touring circuit of Assam mobile theater, which has created festival-like events since the 1950s; or the Marathi (political) theater, which has an active culture of more than a century of traveling and festival-like events. These are not the kind of festivals I am interested in for the purpose of this article—they have a “traditional” logic built into their purpose—but the kind that have emerged along secular lines in post-independent and urban India. These “new” theater festivals are primarily sponsored by the state, are supported by public funds at the regional and national level, and are therefore open to public participation and scrutiny. These festivals, wherever they are held, commonly include a multilingual and multicultural itinerary of plays. The intent behind the selection is largely driven by the post-colonial project, which is to “put together” an idea of modern India by including plays that have a critical outlook—these could be contemporary scripts, modern adaptations of classical plays, and works that explore contemporary vocabularies of performance (body-based, post-dramatic, experimental, etc.). Currently, India has over a dozen of these new theater festivals of varying scale; each running annually, each claiming to show the best of contemporary theater. In the absence of a touring circuit, these festivals provide artists with the opportunity to travel, to seek new audiences, to mingle with peers and masters, to be written about, and to woo award committees. Festivals are now doing for theater what exhibitions have done for visual art; they are highly visible events that offer immense resources and the promise of further influence. Festivals seem to bestow legitimacy on artistic work of a kind not seen before.

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-138
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Konopko

This short text presents the characteristics of theater works by the director, Jan Klata. I attempt to investigate the changes in contemporary Polish theatrical language. The evolution of theater perception, the expressive aesthetics of Klata’s performances and topics that began the fight not only over the new theater that would be a place of socio-political discourses but also for the new audience. In the introduction I present J. Klata and describe the circumstances that accompanied his theater debut. Thereafter, referring to J. Klata’s staging of classical works, I point out the characteristics of his theater and describe how the phenomenon of reinterpretation functions in contemporary theater. I then try to question the explicit labeling of J. Klata’s works as “post drama theater” or “political theater” by paying special attention to analyzing the director’s works in a social context. This political and social background of J. Klata’s performances contributes to the fact that his work is perceived as one of the leading examples of “engaged theater”. The staging means of expression applied by the director and his often radical interference in the texts of works from the literary canon have encouraged younger directors to make their own daring experiments . What was perceived as “revolutionary” and controversial at the time of J. Klata’s debut, today, only seven years later, has become standard in Polish theater.


2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 675-717 ◽  
Author(s):  
RITAJYOTI BANDYOPADHYAY

AbstractThe history of mass political formation in post-colonial metropolitan India has generally been narrated through the optic of ‘competitive electoral mobilization’ of the ‘poor’. How then are we to explain cases of successful mobilization in the terrain of ‘political society’ when some population groups are yet to, or just beginning to, constitute themselves as ‘vote bank’ communities? This article invites us to look into the organizational dimensions of subaltern politics in contemporary urban India. It also prompts us to re-examine the relation between law and subaltern politics. In this light, the article presents some of the major findings of a larger historical anthropology project on the organized mobilization of footpath hawkers in Calcutta since the 1970s. It examines the ways in which the hawkers have acquired and aggregated crucial resources to sustain prolonged anti-eviction movements. In this connection, this article makes a critique of the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014.


Water Policy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 577-594 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Lautze ◽  
Boubacar Barry ◽  
Eva Youkhana

This paper examines water management policies and institutions in the Ghanaian and Burkinabe portions of the Volta basin of West Africa. The paper begins with a brief historical overview of political, cultural and environmental developments in the basin since the late 19th century. Customary approaches to water management in the Volta are described next, followed by colonial and post-colonial water management developments in Ghana and Burkina Faso. The interplay between customary and national water management institutions in the watershed is then analysed so as to understand how conditions changed as a result of national-level developments. The paper also examines transboundary developments in the Volta basin, and concludes with a discussion of some of the strengths and weaknesses of the different management approaches.


2019 ◽  
pp. 101-108
Author(s):  
Galina Brandt

The paper is devoted to exploring the process of reinventing institutional conventions of theatrical art. After describing a series of contemporary performance phenomena, the author uses the “institution” concept from the theory of social construction of reality and methods of deconstruction to identify the distinguishing features of the new theater and/or “postdramatic theater” / or “post-performance turn” theater. The change, as demonstrated in the paper, is primarily connected with the theater’s abandoning its basic mimetic aim, the aim of simulating / depicting reality, i.e. referencing something other than itself, while the performance accordingly ceases to be a text, a carrier of a certain narration, plot and, eventually, an intrinsic sense, a message to the viewer. This abandonment is made necessary by the universal emergence of the media prevalence era that turns everything into a “theater”, so the theater, in its contemporary manifestations, is striving more and more to become “non-theater”. Its trives to be based primarily on what only the theater has: a vital energy of interaction; first of all, interaction between the actor and the viewer, or action participants (who turn out to be both actors and viewers) organized in a certain way, or the energy of the performance space itself, or the energy of its participants’ motion. In conclusion, the author argues that contemporary theater – in fact, just like any institution reinventing its basic concepts – presents a certain anthropological challenge: firstly, it appeals to a different paradigm of perception; secondly, it requires a higher level of agency of the individual perceiving the art.


Bibliosphere ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 85-92
Author(s):  
Sh. A. Sargsyan ◽  
T. S. Harutyunyan ◽  
V. H. Sahakyan ◽  
S. G. Haroutiunian

Improving the efficiency of the use of public funds directed at scientific and technological research and development is one of the urgent problems of our time. Among the possible solutions is scientific organizations funding according to their results. With this aim, a number of countries have implemented evaluation of their scientific organizations productivity at the national level. Evaluation of the effectiveness of organizations engaged in scientific and technical R&D, and the distribution of funding according to the results of such evaluation there are in the UK (the first country to introduce such practices), Italy and Russia. Starting from 2020, the Republic of Armenia is also planning to invest a rating model for financing state scientific organizations.The article presents the model of rating financing of the state scientific organizations in Armenia, developed and proposed by the Committee on science of the Republic of Armenia. The introduction of the model will lead to the formation of additional financial resources and increase the efficiency of budget financing, as it will be done with the account of results of a scientific organization.


Author(s):  
Sumanjeet Singh

Existing studies of the digital divide reveals the gap that exists between those who have access to ICTs and those who do not create exclusion, endanger social integration and hamper economic growth. The digital divide has many dimensions and can be categorized as global, regional and national. At national level, there is no single divide, but multiple divides: for instance, within countries, between men and women, young and elderly, rich and poor and most importantly rural and urban. The present paper is mainly focused on India and tries to explore the problem of digital divide mainly in rural-urban India. In the context of the present paper digital divide essentially means tele-density, mobile and Internet divide between the rural and urban areas. In this paper, the author reveals that obstacles such as illiteracy, lack of skills, infrastructures, and investment in rural areas must be tackled if India is to diminish the gap of the digital divide. The government should work toward connectivity provision, content creation, capacity augmentation, core technologies creation and exploitation, cost reduction, competence building, community participation and commitment to the deprived and disadvantaged to bridge the digital divide.


2020 ◽  
pp. 026101832098063
Author(s):  
Eve Dickson ◽  
Rachel Rosen

In 2012, the ‘no recourse to public funds’ (NRPF) condition was extended to long-standing migrant families in the UK who had previously achieved rights to residence and welfare through human rights mechanisms. Through close examination of policy, political statements, and media coverage, we make the case that the NRPF extension was – and continues to be – intentionally subjugating and punitive, most aptly understood as a policy of enforced destitution and debt imposed on negatively-racialised post-colonial subjects. In drawing out the implications of our argument, we point to time, destitution, and debt as core technologies of the UK’s migration regime, alongside everyday bordering, detention, and deportability. Denying support through NRPF serves to exclude putatively included migrants while normalising conditional approaches to social support. Our article reveals why moral arguments against NRPF based on destitution fail and suggests that challenging welfare bordering requires a more systemic appraisal of policy frames, intentions and effects.


Author(s):  
Asra Khan ◽  
Irshad Hussain ◽  
Zohra Khatoon

Pakistan is a multilingual country with Urdu as its national language. It is entrenched in one of the post-colonial effects; the influence of the English language and the power which it exerts in Pakistan with regards to the ever advancing global world. The case study aims at voicing the views of university students in a hope that their concerns are addressed at national level, which will ultimately lead to equity in English language classrooms in Pakistan. It seeks to explore the views of Banking and Finance students of Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Pakistan, about the power which English language holds and the multiple ways it is exerted. Forty (40) students, taken through random sampling technique were the participants of study. Quantitative data were collected by administering a questionnaire; whereas, an interview protocol was used for collecting qualitative data. The tools collected data in six categories namely increase in self-confidence, seeking admission in foreign universities, a marker of modernity and social class, attaining a lucrative job, basic schooling and a tag of a good student. The results of the study demonstrated that English language holds a great deal of Power in Pakistan in different walks of life as well as in education of students. Keywords: English in Pakistan, Education, Power of English     


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (4-1) ◽  
pp. 195-204
Author(s):  
Vincent Nyewusira ◽  
Kenneth Nweke

Abstract Corruption has inadvertently been elevated to a state or national policy with all the symptoms of a hemorrhaging system. While any aggressive and purposeful anti-corruption crusade will always generate popular support and acclaim in Nigeria, it is sure to provoke anger, frustration and resistance among the political class with vested interest in the status quo. Periodically, the National Assembly, whose members largely belong to the latter group, is one of the institutions vested with the constitutional responsibility of preventing and exposing corruption, inefficiency and waste in the management of public funds within its legislative competence. This is specifically stipulated in section 88 (2) (b) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). The study adopts the institutional approach to interrogate the efforts, capacity and political will of the National Assembly to function as the watchdog of public funds via legislations, inquiries or investigations, oversights, appropriations and resolutions. Our treatise includes a general survey and analysis of the Acts passed by the National Assembly establishing anti-corruption agencies such as the Independent Corrupt Practices and other related offences Commission (ICPC) and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). We shall also do an exposition of some highprofile investigations conducted by the National Assembly over some federal government agencies pursuant to sections 88 and 89 of the constitution. Unfortunately, controversies and revelations arising from these exercises gravitated, in some cases, to narratives of sleaze in the National Assembly. It is also argued that the opaque and jumbo salaries and allowances associated with members of the National legislature significantly detract from any anti-corruption posturing of that institution. We conclude that mere sloganeering and platitudes on the powers of the National Assembly in combating corruption will yield little or no results until operators of the legislative arm of government at the national level understand and perform their critical role as the ‘soul and conscience of good governance’.


2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucy Karanja

In Kenyan urban locations where speakers of a myriad of different languages and cultures converge, young people have experienced ambivalence, ambiguity, and contradictions regarding language, culture, and identity that they can ascribe to themselves, both as unifying factors at the national level, as well as marking their identity as urban youth. In an attempt to bridge the ethnic divide, and the divide between what they perceive to be traditional values and the urban, modernized values, Kenyan urban youth have developed a “hybrid” language called “Sheng”. This language has opened up avenues for renegotiating their identity and cultures, moving them beyond unitary, fixed identities and binaries of traditional versus urban, and local versus global. Thus, this paper uses the post-colonial notions of hybridity and the third space to interrogate ways in which these youth have challenged the established codes of their identities, and negotiated their ambivalences in a third, hybridized space that is fluid and shifting. Educational opportunities for Kenyan urban youth within the third hybridized space positioning are discussed. Au Kenya, dans les centres urbains, là où convergent une myriade de langues et de cultures, les jeunes ressentent des contradictions et une certaine ambigüité quant à leur langue, leur culture et leur identité, cette identité qui les caractérise au niveau national comme de jeunes urbains. Ces mêmes jeunes ont développé une langue « hybride » appelée “Sheng” dont le but est clairement de combler la division ethnique, ainsi que la division entre ce qu’ils perçoivent comme étant des valeurs traditionnelles et celles comme étant des valeurs urbaines ou même modernes. Cette langue a ouvert la possibilité de renégocier leurs identités et leurs cultures, et d’aller au-delà même de l’unité, c’est-àdire au-delà des identités fixes et des binaires, tels que traditionnel vs. urbain ou local vs. global. Cet article utilise donc les notions postcoloniales d’hybridité et de troisième espace afin d’analyser la façon dont ces jeunes ont défié les codes établis de leurs identités respectives et comment ils ont négocié leurs ambigüités dans un troisième espace hybride, fluide et variable. Cet article examine également les différentes possibilités éducatives pour les jeunes kenyans urbains dans ce troisième espace hybride.


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