scholarly journals Intra-Party Democracy in Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf

2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 75-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rizwan ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Muhammad Bilal

With the idea of ‘change’ in exiting social system of Pakistan mainly by eradicating corruption, Pakistani Tehrik-e-Insaf emerged in 1996, under the leadership of renowned cricket player Imran Khan. He pledged to promote justice and the establishment of a welfare state. However, the party could hardly attain electoral success until 2012 when it reached on national political peaks. Majority of the Pakistani youth from urban areas follow the party agenda with a new zenith. Unlike other political parties, PTI pledged to challenge the existing transmissible-monarchy and decided to holds the intra party election. By using different primary and secondary sources, this article tries to focus on PTI’s intra party elections in order to denounce the existing socio-political culture of Pakistan, yet it could hardly achieve the said goals in the presence of “old-guard” in the front lines of party leadership.

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olagunju Oluwo

Norway democracy was ranked as the best in the world owing to the country strong democratic values which political parties and stable political culture have helped to shape. These values are still lacking in Nigeria and as such, Nigerian democracy cannot be regarded as advanced democracy. Nigerian political parties engaged in rivalry competition and political culture was still at lower ebb with high stake for politicians. Women are under-represented and executive/legislature dichotomy persisted beyond imagination. It is against this backdrop that the paper seeks to examine political parties in advanced democracy: experience from Norway and lesson for Nigeria. The study was a descriptive one with qualitative method. Data were collected through secondary sources. Drawing from the experience of Norway the study found that the key areas which propelled Norway’s ranking as best democracy were still far from being achieve in Nigeria. The study recommends that: the stake on politics should be reduced and improved women political participation should be encouraged among others.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ki-Young Shin

AbstractThis article examines a Japanese local party, Netto, as a new type of women's party. The Netto is defined as a “proactive women's party” to illustrate how it is different not only from conventional political parties but also from parties organized to promote feminist platforms. The Japanese Netto is a women-dominated party in which women constitute the majority of members and candidates, as well as party leadership. The party platform prioritizes practical women's interests such as safe food and child-rearing over women's labor or feminist issues. The gendered characteristics of Netto appeal to middle-class housewives and mothers, facilitating the electoral success of the party in urban areas. The party's notable features, such as rotation of deputies, term limits, donation of deputy salary, and volunteerism, distinguish Netto from conventional political parties. As such, the party provides an alternative model of political representation. The Netto party illustrates that not all women's parties use a feminist platform, but they still play an important role in changing male-dominated electoral politics.


Author(s):  
Dennis C. Spies

The chapter summarizes the New Progressive Dilemma (NPD) debate, identifying three arguments from comparative welfare state and party research likely to be relevant to the relationship between immigration and welfare state retrenchment: public opinion, welfare institutions, and political parties. Alignment of anti-immigrant sentiments and welfare support varies considerably between countries, especially between the US and Europe, leading to different party incentives vis-à-vis welfare state retrenchment. The chapter introduces insights from comparative welfare state and party research to the debate, discussing inter alia, political parties in terms of welfare retrenchment, immigrants as a voter group, and cross-national variation of existing welfare institutions. It addresses the complex debates around attitudinal change caused by immigration, levels of welfare support, voting behavior, and social expenditures. Combining these strands of literature, a common theoretical framework is developed that is subsequently applied to both the US and Western European context.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 458-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Zerback ◽  
Carsten Reinemann ◽  
Angela Nienierza

This study analyzes how perceptions of the popularity of political parties (i.e., the current opinion climate) and expectations about parties’ future electoral performance (i.e., the future opinion climate) are formed. Theoretically, the paper integrates research on the sources of public opinion perception and empirically draws on a representative survey carried out before the 2013 German federal election. We show that the perceived media slant and opinions perceived in one’s personal surroundings are closely related to perceptions of party popularity, whereas individual recall of poll results and personal opinions about the parties are not. However, poll results are shown to be the single most important predictor of expectations about the parties’ future electoral success.


2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-58
Author(s):  
Simona Kustec Lipicer

In order to evaluate the existing practices of the Slovenian parliamentary democracy, the author conducted a chronological overview of the shifts in prevailing democratic patterns, starting with the first parliamentary elections after the country gained independence onwards. Parliamentary and governmental political party behaviour was central to the analysis and, thus, was analysed using both statistical data and secondary sources, which primarily consisted of academic and research papers and media records. The analysis revealed that Slovenian parliamentary democracy in the initial (first) decade was according to the electoral data predictable and by programme orientation oriented towards democratic development. However, over the past three election cycles (second decade), the situation began to change quickly, indicating a predominance of internal party interests and conflicts that affect the country’s entire democratic arena. One of the main findings of the article suggests that political parties in Slovenia remain a fundamentally important pillar of parliamentary democracy, but their roles and activities within the parliamentary, governmental and other arenas increasingly warn of their central mission and democratic system functions. It can be detected that the potentials for electoral uncertainties increase with the intensities of internal and inter-parties’ conflicts which all give distinctly negative connotation to the country’s parliamentary democracy. To reverse the curve of parliamentary democracy in a country upwards again a new period of democratic transformation should be activated, built on the principles of a new model of democratic and party governance, as well as also global sustainability policies. A clear distance from narrow internal political parties’ interests, conflicts and in this regard negative competition needs to be considered as well.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Cassandra Hartblay

<p>Nancy Fraser and Linda Gordon's 1994 article &ldquo;A Genealogy of Dependency: Tracing a Keyword of the US Welfare State&rdquo; explored the historical emergence of "dependency" as a moral category of post-industrial American state. In this article, I engage their framework to explore the genealogy of dependency in America's post-industrial sister, the post-Soviet Russian Federation. I also add disability as a core element of 'dependency' that was largely absent from Fraser and Gordon's original analysis. Considering cross-cultural translation, I ask how Russian deployments of three words that all relate to a concept of interdependence align with and depart from American notions of dependency, and trace historical configurations of the Soviet welfare state vis-a-vis disability. To do so, I draw on historical and cultural texts, linguistic comparisons, secondary sources, and ethnographic research. Given this analysis, I argue that rather than a Cold War interpretation of the Soviet Union and the US as oppositional superpowers in the 20th century, a liberatory disability studies framework suggests that in the postindustrial era the Soviet Union and the United States emerged as dual regimes of productivity. I suggest that reframing postsocialism as a global condition helps us to shift considerations of disability justice from a critique of capitalism to a critique of productivity.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Keywords: dependency, disability, citizenship, russia, productivity</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-169
Author(s):  
I Gede Wijaya Kusuma ◽  
Ida Ayu Putu Widiati ◽  
Luh Putu Suryani

One of the functions of political parties in legislation is as a means of political education and socialization. Political parties are obliged to disseminate their political discourse to the public. However, in its implementation in the field, there are still political parties that have not maximized their function in providing political education to the public. This study discusses (1) What is the function of political parties in providing public political education and its influence on public participation in general elections? (2) What are the implications of political parties that do not implement public political education? This research was conducted by using normative legal research methods, primary and secondary sources of legal materials, methods of collecting legal materials using statute records and others, and analyzing legal materials using descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that according to Law No.2 of 2011, one of the functions of political parties is to provide political education as a means of education for the wider community to become Indonesian citizens who are aware of their rights and obligations in public. The importance of political education carried out by political parties to the maximum and in its actual essence will be able to have a very good impact on society, which means that people are able to become people who are aware of their obligations in giving choices to political parties or candidates who are true and sincere in terms of welfare. people. The implication of political parties that do not carry out public political education is to cause a decrease in public participation in general elections and this will also lead to apparently unhealthy political conditions and allow high abstention due to low levels of public participation.


Author(s):  
Ar. Ankur Bhardwaj ◽  
Dr. Shweta Chaudhary ◽  
Ar.Kirti Varandani

The ecological, social and visual commitments that green roofs can make towards sustainable living in more intensified urban centres are generally recognized around the world. Green roof is one such sustainable methodology, utilization of which causes us in insulating the buildings and, subsequently contributing to better energy proficient execution of the same. Green roofs additionally give environment to various species, lessen the rainwater runoff and better deal with the carbon-dioxide cycle. In spite of these advantages, Green roofs are not as basic an element in India as they are in other European and American urban areas. In this paper an attempt has been made to enhance the advantages of this innovation in India. Green roofs systems looks simple in terms of setting up, but actually very complex in maintaining and achieving sustainability. In depth study of green roofs, historic background, climatic zones, impacts of green roofs on heating and cooling, benefits, problems and opportunities is done with the help of data taken from secondary sources like books, magazines and published literature (articles, journals, conference proceedings) form various e-libraries and other online platforms. KEY WORDS: Heating, Cooling, Green Roof, Sustainability)


Author(s):  
Gilbert Zechia Mofor ◽  
Nadine Yemelong Temgoua ◽  
Ndamsa Dickson Thomas

The use of durable forest resources in urban areas has raised the question of link between conservation and usage patterns. Population growth in Cameroon urban areas has continued to trigger constant demand for forest resources notably for rattan resources. Owing to the thriving domestic use and trade indicators, it is observed that, the furniture processors have been experiencing considerable demand of rattan products. It was pathetic to observe that, though the whole chain of rattan dependable activities have become an integral part of livelihood strategy for many urban communities, it is without any regulatory rearmament. Such scenario has until recently been ostensibly clear that in Bamenda town is an epitome for non-awareness of the exact species used, ecological attitudes, post-harvest losses, innovative technologies and trade letdown. In the context of such lack of awareness, most socioeconomic and conservation benchmarks have remained trapped in inappropriate operations. It is in this light that, Bamenda town displays a range of concerns about the rattan resources management stakes and challenges. Thus, the main objective of this paper attempts to harness suitable socioeconomic and ecological strategies to ensure sustainability with significant potential for the rattan sources to the thriving investors’ livelihood. The study therefore, explores the stakeholders’ treasure on rattan resources derivatives and perceptions on conservation and socioeconomic standing in Bamenda town, which is a heavily dealing place. The study made use of primary and secondary sources to collect necessary data. The results indicate that, they are a chain of rattan resource investors, multiples sources of raw materials and local rattan workspaces. In addition, the paper established that, there are no conservation awareness and visions, no innovative technologies, insufficient basic knowledge about self-regulatory mechanism for informal trade on a sound rattan management as well as no veritable institutional support structures to strengthen the rattan sector. Therefore, imperiling this activity into a blur future given the gaps observed in the sector. Based on these challenges, the study has proposed pertinent concerns, which have some supportive regimented policies to awareness, sustainable conservation, production and trading trends management for livelihood of the rattan dealers in Bamenda town and beyond.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document