scholarly journals Opposition and Legislative Minorities: Constitutional Roles, Rights and Recognition

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elliot Bulmer

This Primer examines the recognition, roles and rights of the opposition and the legislative minority in democratic constitutions. Opposition parties operating in democracies rely upon a wide range of constitutional protections, such as the freedoms of association, assembly and expression, backed by an independent judiciary and an impartial civil service. These protections ensure that opponents of the government continue to enjoy equal rights and are not criminalized, harassed or disadvantaged. However, many constitutions go further, formally recognizing the role, powers and responsibilities of the opposition or legislative minority in democratic politics.

Subject The 'Moritomo Gakuen' scandal. Significance A political scandal has re-emerged concerning the sale of government land at a heavy discount to a nationalist private school operator reportedly linked to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his wife, Akie. The latest revelation is that the finance ministry falsified documents to conceal Akie's involvement. The opposition parties are divided and weak in terms of their numbers in parliament, but they have managed to use the events of recent days to destabilise Abe. Impacts This and other cases of misrepresentation will further shake public trust in the government. Trust in the political impartiality of the civil service will also be damaged. Even if Abe survives and is re-elected, damage to his ‘brand’ could undermine his campaign to revise Japan's constitution.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Nuah Perdamenta Tarigan ◽  
Christian Siregar ◽  
Simon Mangatur Tampubolon

Justice that has not existed and is apparent among the disabilities in Indonesia is very large and spread in the archipelago is very large, making the issue of equality is a very important thing especially with the publication of the Disability Act No. 8 of 2016 at the beginning of that year. Only a few provinces that understand properly and well on open and potential issues and issues will affect other areas including the increasingly growing number of elderly people in Indonesia due to the increasing welfare of the people. The government of DKI Jakarta, including the most concerned with disability, from the beginning has set a bold step to defend things related to disability, including local governments in Solo, Bali, Makassar and several other areas. Leprosy belonging to the disability community has a very tough marginalization, the disability that arises from leprosy quite a lot, reaches ten percent more and covers the poor areas of Indonesia, such as Nusa Tenggara Timur, Papua, South Sulawesi Provinces and even East Java and West Java and Central Java Provinces. If we compare again with the ASEAN countries we also do not miss the moment in ratifying the CRPD (Convention of Rights for People with Disability) into the Law of Disability No. 8 of 2016 which, although already published but still get rejections in some sections because do not provide proper empowerment and rights equality. The struggle is long and must be continued to build equal rights in all areas, not only health and welfare but also in the right of the right to receive continuous inclusive education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (10(79)) ◽  
pp. 12-18
Author(s):  
G. Bubyreva

The existing legislation determines the education as "an integral and focused process of teaching and upbringing, which represents a socially important value and shall be implemented so as to meet the interests of the individual, the family, the society and the state". However, even in this part, the meaning of the notion ‘socially significant benefit is not specified and allows for a wide range of interpretation [2]. Yet the more inconcrete is the answer to the question – "who and how should determine the interests of the individual, the family and even the state?" The national doctrine of education in the Russian Federation, which determined the goals of teaching and upbringing, the ways to attain them by means of the state policy regulating the field of education, the target achievements of the development of the educational system for the period up to 2025, approved by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of October 4, 2000 #751, was abrogated by the Decree of the Government of the Russian Federation of March 29, 2014 #245 [7]. The new doctrine has not been developed so far. The RAE Academician A.B. Khutorsky believes that the absence of the national doctrine of education presents a threat to national security and a violation of the right of citizens to quality education. Accordingly, the teacher has to solve the problem of achieving the harmony of interests of the individual, the family, the society and the government on their own, which, however, judging by the officially published results, is the task that exceeds the abilities of the participants of the educational process.  The particular concern about the results of the patriotic upbringing served as a basis for the legislative initiative of the RF President V. V. Putin, who introduced the project of an amendment to the Law of RF "About Education of the Russian Federation" to the State Duma in 2020, regarding the quality of patriotic upbringing [3]. Patriotism, considered by the President of RF V. V. Putin as the only possible idea to unite the nation is "THE FEELING OF LOVE OF THE MOTHERLAND" and the readiness for every sacrifice and heroic deed for the sake of the interests of your Motherland. However, the practicing educators experience shortfalls in efficient methodologies of patriotic upbringing, which should let them bring up citizens, loving their Motherland more than themselves. The article is dedicated to solution to this problem based on the Value-sense paradigm of upbringing educational dynasty of the Kurbatovs [15].


Laws ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
William E. Thro

Rejecting the Obama Administration’s argument that the First Amendment requires identical treatment for religious organizations and secular organizations, the Supreme Court held such a “result is hard to square with the text of the First Amendment itself, which gives special solicitude to the rights of religious organizations.” (Hosanna-Tabor, 565 U.S. at 189). This “special solicitude” guarantees religious freedom from the government in all aspects of society, but particularly on public university campuses. At a minimum, religious expression and religious organizations must have equal rights with secular expression and secular organizations. In some instances, religious expression and religious expression may have greater rights. The Court’s 2020 decisions in Espinoza v. Montana Department of Revenue, and Our Lady of Guadalupe School v. Morrissey-Berru, reinforce and expand the “special solicitude” of religion. Indeed, Espinoza and Our Lady have profound implications for student religious groups at America’s public campuses. This article examines religious freedom at America’s public universities. This article has three parts. First, it offers an overview of religious freedom prior to Espinoza and Our Lady. Second, it briefly discusses those two cases. Third, it explores the implications of those decisions on America’s public campuses.


1919 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 301-305
Author(s):  
Graham H. Stuart

The epoch-marking proclamation issued by Queen Victoria in 1858 announced to the people of India that they were to be admitted freely and impartially to political office. The autocratic bureaucracy of foreigners, culminating in the régime of Lord Curzon, when only about 4 per cent of the members of the Indian civil service were natives, was hardly a fulfillment of the spirit of this proclamation. Nor did the peoples of India consider it such. The spirit of unrest finally took shape in the Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, to give expression to the ideas of the educated classes; and this body soon came to be regarded as the unofficial Indian parliament. Each year it brought forward a list of ills which the government of India as then organized could not hope to remedy.


1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micheline Plasse

This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977.We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed.The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.


Significance The opposition has rejected the results and is preparing legal challenges to Museveni’s victory. Impacts NRM internal cohesion will fray as Museveni becomes a more polarising figure in national politics. The NRM will increasingly try to co-opt opponents to neutralise the growing momentum and collaboration among opposition parties. The government will likely launch developmental efforts to tackle youth unemployment and thus avert unrest.


Author(s):  
Suppanunta Romprasert ◽  
Korakot Kataboonyaruk ◽  
Natthacha Tangnititham ◽  
Tanyaluk Suwanthaijaroen ◽  
Maytavee Soonthornwattanachai ◽  
...  

Paper focuses on the renewable energy in Thailand. Objective is to compare risk on renewable energy and transportation consumption on biodiesel. It is using SWOT analysis and sustainable development theory as the tools. Besides, collecting data via questionnaire to investigate behaviors of people in having the ideas relating to biodiesel. The 52 responses from survey launching have returned. According to the results, the current consumption of biodiesel is still low because insufficient is on awareness of the consumers' trusts about biodiesel. Moreover, government's policy is not in good quality control. Biodiesel price has not been confirmed or set up in a clear standard that shows confidence in biodiesel to consumers. Remains adherence to diesel as it has been used for a longer period of time. Therefore, the risk of renewable energy in biodiesel is a relatively high risk. At the same time, in terms of environmental sustainability development, research results show that the use of biodiesel can help reducing air pollution at either PM 2.5 or global warming. Also, it would distribute an income to palm farmers. The results can be implemented for making improvements and suggesting recommendations to the government. A strengthening policy on renewable energy security and implement strategies is for solving various energy problems. With the concept of supporting research and development, it can create a wide range of knowledges, and the production of biodiesel as renewable energy. There should control the price structure, and the well quality practices to be fairly suitable in the nearly future. Keywords: Biodiesel, Consumption, Renewable Energy, Risk, Transportation


2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Brett Richard Marais

The Reconstruction and Development Programme adopted by the Government of National Unity is more than a list of the services required to improve the quality of life of the majority of South Africans. It is not just a call for South Africans to unite to build a country free of poverty and misery; it is a programme designed to achieve this objective in an integrated and principled manner. Based on the strategic objectives, as highlighted in the White Paper on Water Supply and Sanitation Policy, with regard to alleviating the chronic potable water shortages in South Africa, this thesis investigates a design methodology to supply potable water through the use of wind energy. The design focuses on small rural off-grid developments where grid electricity either has not or will not reach, and where renewable energy is the only viable option. This thesis provides an overview of wind energy and presents the fundamentals of wind power calculations. It also formulates an overview of the historic and present situation with regards to potable water supply, and reflects on the need for urgent intervention. The feasibility of using wind energy to supply potable water to rural communities in South Africa is explored in a case study. The various problem areas are identified and examined and a wide range of possible solutions are recommended. A final flow chart for the system design is proposed, thus ensuring comprehensive design methodology from which future design of similar systems can be based.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fahmi Nurdiansyah

The purpose of this research is to know the implementation in the political marketing of Gerindra Party and some factors encouraging the party to gain a wide range of constituent voters in the legislative elections 2014. The aforementioned evidence reveals that Gerindra Party approached middle class down society and youth, on determining intended voters and this party also focusing on small society (farmer, fisherman, labour, teacher and small trader). In terms of positioning, Gerindra Party put themselves in outside of the government and acknowledge them as the party for small society. In Indonesian political constellation, it can be seen that political party has a high correlation with the power of public figure to increase popularity and electability. Gerindra Party is still introduced Prabowo Subianto as a public figure who can be used to gain a number of voters for the party.


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