Biafra: the Revival and Proliferation of Separatism

Author(s):  
Sergey V. Kostelyanets

The weak cohesion of African societies, predetermined by their ethnic, linguistic and religious heterogeneity, leads to a great propensity for the spread of separatist sentiments in Africa. The overwhelming majority of existing scholarly works note the continent's tendency towards separatism and irredentism. Indeed, the number of separatist movements in Africa is constantly growing; currently there are more of them than there were in the first postcolonial decades, although only a few of them have been “successful”. The present paper analyzes the reasons for the revival of a secessionist movement in southeastern Nigeria several decades after the end of the 1967-1970 Biafran War. The authors consider activities of separatist organizations that emerged in Biafra in the 2000s-2010s, the reaction of the government of Muhammadu Buhari, and factors hindering the establishment of a new “sovereign state” in the region. The relevance of the present paper is determined both by the growing threat of separatism in Africa and by the lack of research on the current situation in Biafra in Russian-language literature. The authors employ theoretical-analytical and systemic-historical methods to analyze the threat of separatism in Nigeria and conclude that the creation of a new “Republic of Biafra” will remain a utopian project for at least the next decade, yet separatist sentiments will spread and hinder the achievement of internal political stability in the country, which is already experiencing conflicts due to the activities of Boko Haram, tensions between farmers and pastoralists, and militancy in the Niger Delta.

Significance The bombing is the latest setback for the government. Recent military gains against Boko Haram and increasing oil production in the Niger Delta have failed to offset the distinct governance problems facing Abuja. Amid a deepening economic crisis, President Muhammadu Buhari is facing challenges within the ruling alliance and emergent political threats nationwide. Impacts Presidential succession manoeuvring could undermine unity, leading to ruling party infighting and a possible contested nomination process. Key members of Buhari’s inner circle will come under pressure to resign as new scandals emerge. Populist alternatives to the president will surface, as citizens grow frustrated with economic stagnation and high prices.


Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Naim Azimi ◽  
Mohammad Musa Shafiq

AbstractThis paper examines the causal relationship between governance indicators and economic growth in Afghanistan. We use a set of quarterly time series data from 2003Q1 to 2018Q4 to test our hypothesis. Following Toda and Yamamoto’s (J Econom 66(1–2):225–250, 1995. 10.1016/0304-4076(94)01616-8) vector autoregressive model and the modified Wald test, our empirical results show a unidirectional causality between the government effectiveness, rule of law, and the economic growth. Our findings exhibit significant causal relationships running from economic growth to the eradication of corruption, the establishment of the rule of law, quality of regulatory measures, government effectiveness, and political stability. More interestingly, we support the significant multidimensional causality hypothesis among the governance indicators. Overall, our findings not only reveal causality between economic growth and governance indicators, but they also show interdependencies among the governance indicators.


1992 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inge Tvedten

It is generally agreed that the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in March 1988 marked the final attempt to secure a military solution to the Angolan conflict. Thereafter, in December 1988, South Africa, Cuba, and Angola signed the so-called ‘New York accord’ that included a timetable for the phased withdrawal of the South Africans and the Cubans from Namibia and Angola, respectively; in June 1989, the Gbadolite agreement initiated African attempts to end the continuing armed struggle in Angola; and in March 1990, Namibia achieved its long-awaited independence. But despite these efforts and developments, the war continued between the Government that had been established in Luanda by the Movimento Popular de Libertacão de Angola (M.P.L.A.) in November 1975 and the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (Unita), with devastating implications for the country's estimated ten million inhabitants. Not before May 1991 was a final peace agreement signed in Portugal, and then with considerably poorer options for political stability and economic recovery than would have been the case after the original accord in New York.


1992 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 372-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Minseok An ◽  
George H. Sage

In the past decade, to help maintain political stability and promote economic growth, South Korea has committed substantial resources to commercialized sports, including golf. A major source of support for building golf courses has come from government leaders and economic and social incentives as well. In the past 4 years the government has given permission to build 135 new golf courses. The official government discourse about the new golf courses is that they are being built in the interest of “sport for all.” But the golf courses overwhelmingly require membership, which is extremely expensive. Despite the enormous power and resources of the dominant groups in Korea, there are elements of opposition. The golf boom has been severely criticized because it removes large amounts of land from agricultural and industrial productivity, contaminates farm land, and pollutes water. It also represents the worst aspects of the social imbalance of wealth.


1988 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-48
Author(s):  
Pauline H. Baker

An underlying assumption that ocurs in both conventional wisdom and in many academic analyses of political behavior is the notion that a critical linkage exists between political change and economic performance. The assumption is that economic growth is either a precondition or a correlate of democracy and political stability. Little empirical research has been done to test the validity of this widely held assumption as it applies to multicultural societies. Moreover, in the African environment, the assumption seems to operate only in selected cases or in ways that defy categorization. Jerry Rawlings, for example, said he led his first coup d’etat in Ghana because the government was going to devalue the currency; he led his second coup, in part, because the next government was going to devalue; and, during his own tenure in office, he has presided over a 1000 percent devaluation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ebney Ayaj Rana ◽  
Abu N. M. Wahid

The economy of Bangladesh is currently going through a period of continuous budget deficit. The present data suggest that the government budget deficit, on average, is nearly 5% of the country’s GDP. This has been true since the early 2000s. To finance this deficit, governments have been borrowing largely from domestic and foreign sources resulting in inflationary pressure on one hand, and crowding out of private investments on the other. During the same period, although the economy has grown steadily at a rate of more than 6%, this growth is less than the potential. This article presents an econometric study of the impact of government budget deficits on the economic growth of Bangladesh. We conduct a time-series analysis using ordinary least squares estimation, vector error correction model, and granger causality test. The findings suggest that the government budget deficit has statistically significant negative impact on economic growth in Bangladesh. Policy implications of our findings include reestablishing the rule of law, political stability in the country, restructuring tax structure, closing tax loopholes, and harmonizing fiscal policy with monetary policy to attract additional domestic and foreign investment.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Chris I. Nwagboso

This paper examines the various internal security challenges confronting Nigeria in the 21st century. The paper adopts historical method and content analysis to investigate how the abysmal failure of the poorly formulated and ineffectively implemented National Security Policy has hitherto exacerbated internal security challenges in Nigeria. The paper further attempts a critical review of major internal security challenges hitherto confronting the country; such as the Niger Delta crises, kidnapping in the South-East geo-political zone, Jos crises, Boko Haram crises and crises by Fulani Herdsmen in the Northern part of Nigeria. The result of the analysis shows that these internal security challenges have not only been difficult to address by the National Security Policy, but have also impacted negatively on the country's desired socio-economic development in the 21st century. The paper, therefore, recommends among others, the need for a careful review of the Nigeria's National Security Policy that will not only be integrative/comprehensive in outlook, but will also take cognizance of some domestic factors that are currently responsible for internal security problems in the country; such as unemployment, inequality, poverty, fraudulent electoral process, corruption, skewed federalism, porous nature of the Nigeria’s borders, sabotage among politicalelites, bad governance, religious intolerance, citizen-settler controversies, among others.


2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 157-184
Author(s):  
Witold Jemielity

Three periods could be observed in the Congress Kingdom of Poland considerable political freedom until November uprising, severe restrictions for the citizens after 1831, and unification with the Russian Empire after January uprising. During each of these periods the Catholic Church experienced new situation, however the second half of the century happened to be the hardest. 1905 was the turning-point in tsar’s policy in which political situation in the country had considerable contribution. The government made two important concessions: both languages Russian and Polish could be used as official ones, and, on 17/30 of April the so called tolerant ukase was issued that concerned religious matters. The Catholic Church in the Congress Kingdom of Poland gained more freedom. The Author of the following work showed this in the separate fields of work connected with ministering to a parish such as: keeping files of records, priests’ dwellings, appointing and moving priests, bishop’s inspections, church processions, parish indulgences, change of the parish boundaries, church building, retreats and Congregations of the clergy, the Pope’s jubilee, contacts with Rome, convents, Greek Catholics, wayside crosses, Russian language in church institutions, religion lessons at schools, voting to the Russian Parliament, the tsar and social matters. The Author has been dealing with the problem of Church history in the Congress Kingdom of Poland for many years. The present work summarizes the settlements the author has obtained hitherto and especially pays attention to changes that occurred after the year 1905.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 129-138
Author(s):  
Marius Ikpe ◽  
Alwell Nteegah

Social insecurity has in recent time constituted a major hurdle to the Nigeria authorities.  Theoretically, it is believed to have a strong negative link with Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) and levels of economic growth. This in Nigeria’s context ranges from Niger Delta crises, to the un-going Boko-Haram Islamists Militants insurgency. Given paucity of empirical literature on this line of investigation into this form of socioeconomic problem, this study empirically examines the link amongst social insecurity, FDI and growth of the Nigerian economy. The study adopted the Augmented Cob-Douglas production function in its analysis, introducing the variable (social insecurity) into the FDI model and subsequently traces its impact on economic growth. Result indicates that social insecurity stimulates the inflow of foreign technology, rather than inhibit it. The paper attributes this to merging of these distinct forms of social insecurity in the study and consequently recommend an explicit examination of these forms of social insecurity-FDI association Nigeria.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v1i4.10944 Int. J. Soc. Sci. Manage. Vol-1, issue-4: 129-138 


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