scholarly journals LOOKING FOR THE FORM OF INDONESIAN DEMOCRACY: STUDY OF PANCASILA IDEOLOGY TOWARDS CONCURRENT ELECTIONS IN 2024

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 676-686
Author(s):  
Osbin Samosir
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Order ◽  
Traditional Practices ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
European Democracy ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
One Year ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
First Time ◽  
Political Actions

Indonesia’s democracy has taken huge leaps since the starting of reformation in 1998, compared to Soeharto’s authoritarian ruling (New Order) from 1966 to May 21, 1998, and during Soekarno’s ruling from the country’s independence in 1945 until 1966. One year after Soeharto’s fall on May 21, 1998, Indonesia held its first democratically election on June 7, 1999. The election was contested by 48 political parties. In 2004, Indonesia for the first time held its direct presidential election. One year later, Indonesia held its first regional elections, where voters directly elect governors, regents and mayors. The question is on whether the current democratic practices have been in accordance with all democratic values as intended by Pancasila ideology as the basic foundation for Indonesia in all political actions? Pancasila: 1). The belief in one God, 2). Just and civilized humanity, 3). Indonesian unity, 4. Democracy under the wise guidance of representative consultation, 5). Social justice for all peoples of Indonesia. The country’s founding fathers formulated the understanding of democracy based the traditional practices of democracy at the grassroots level which have lasted for centuries throughout the country. However what happens now is that Indonesia just imitated the posture of Western/European democracy. It turns out that Indonesian democracy is very fragile because it does not have a tradition of democracy that grows independently from Indonesia's fertile soil itself, but democracy is taken from other cultures that have grown and developed in Europe and then transplanted in Indonesian soil. Therefore, the format for direct elections in Indonesia must be reviewed for improvement.

scholarly journals Mediatisation and Rallies during the 2019 Valencian Regional Election: Between ‘media logic’ and ‘political logic’

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 51-66
Author(s):  
Alvar Peris Blanes ◽  
Guillermo López García ◽  
Lorena Cano Orón ◽  
Vicente Fenoll
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Quantitative Methodology ◽  
Autonomous Community ◽  
Know How ◽  
Media Logic ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
The One ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
First Time

This paper analyses how political rallies develop in an age of intense mediatisation in which politicians and media influence one another. In this connection, we look at the Regional Elections held in the Valencian Autonomous Community in April 2019. For the first time, these coincided with a General Election, so that even more was at stake than usual. We wanted to know how political rallies were designed and what impact they had on both social networks and on television. The data were obtained through a qualitative observational analysis of the key rallies of the main parties taking part in the elections (PP, PSOE, Compromís, Ciudadanos, Unidas Podemos, and Vox). We combined that approach with a quantitative methodology for content analysis of the various rally postings made by parties and their leaders on their official Facebook and Twitter accounts. We also studied À Punt’s TV coverage of the same rallies in its news. On the one hand, the results indicate that election rallies continue to be highly ritualised events. Political parties carefully plan their rallies, always mindful of how these will be reported in today’s highly fragmented media systems — especially in social networks. On the other hand, our study suggests that information on rallies is still tightly controlled by the parties — something that is commonplace in Spanish election campaigns.

scholarly journals Parties and civil Society Organization in Libya Political Life

2021 ◽  
pp. 168-183
Author(s):  
الياس أبوبكر الباروني
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Grassroots Level ◽  
Islamic Parties ◽  
First Time

There is no doubt that the Libyan society is rich in its demographic and socio-cultural composition, but it was not accompanied by an effective and influential civil society. The tribe was the main controlling factor in the political arena through its political exploitation, especially during the period of Colonel Gaddafi's rule, Rejecting every political color under the pretext of "Who demonstrates other Islamic and civil parties , betrays," and "the partisan abortion of democracy," and the representation of the representation of the "and other political armaments abhorrent, a ranking of the aforementioned is the problem statement of the President’s question of: What is the nature of the role of parties and civil society organizations in political life?. The study aims to identify the emergence of political parties in Libya, clarifying the map of the Islamic parties involved in Libyan political life, and then highlighting the role of civil parties in Libyan political life, as well as standing in the reality of civil society organizations in Libyan political life. The study is a descriptive, descriptive method and a critical analytical approach to understand, study, describe and analyze the role of political parties and civil society organizations and their tools in shaping the political system of Libya, reaching the most important results which was recently created for the first time after the fall of Gaddafi reflected a competitive dynamic, but still lacks the ability to declare specific political programs and identify their political identity and position on current issues related to development issues that Libya seeks to achieve. Following the Libyan revolution in February, a large number of civil society institutions and organizations But it is still limited in activity and there is no presence in all regions of Libya, which reflects the initiative and seek to control the formation of gatherings and federations without having a practical translation at the grassroots level throughout the country.

scholarly journals Competitive Discourses among the Valencian Right Wing: Communication and strategy in the 2019 regional elections

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 125-143
Author(s):  
Adolfo Carratalá ◽  
Dolors Palau Sampio
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Leadership Style ◽  
Frames Of Reference ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Far Right ◽  
The Right ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
First Time ◽  
Political Scene

The 2019 regional government election in The Valencian Country led to a new panorama on the Right. For the first time, there were three political parties competing for votes. In addition, the notoriety gained by the Far Right created a new political scene, posing a challenge to other parties. This paper analyses how the Partido Popular, Ciudadanos and Vox managed a campaign in which they were both electoral opponents but also potentially future parliamentary allies. The research examines the performance and campaign discourse of these three parties based on content analysis of the coverage of two newspapers’ (Levante-EMV and Las Provincias). The study examines the preferred frames of reference, the main topics, the cultural resonances and the ideological frameworks chosen by these parties. The results showed that news on these parties stressed leadership style and strategy — issues that were highlighted in the parties’ discourses given that they resonate strongly with Conservative voters. The issues chosen by the Far Right had little impact on the messages put over by the majority parties. The presence of three rightwing parties meant each tried to differentiate itself from the others. Vox [the farthest on the right, reminiscent of France’s Front National] tried to distinguish itself from the more mainstream Partido Popular (PP), which in turn was forced to defend its position as the ‘institutional’ party of the right. Ciudadanos (Cs) was the right-wing party that spoke most often of potential co-operation among the three forces.

scholarly journals The Bureaucracy Neutrality in Indonesian Politics

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
R. Siti Zuhro
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Societal Needs ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Important Stimulus

The politicization of the Indonesian bureaucracy in election is attracting great attention since it’s resulted in declining quality of democracy in this country. Although political change since 1998 has given greater strength to societal forces vis-à-vis the state, the fact is that the legacy of patronage network still exists. The politicization of the bureaucracy through the weakening of political parties and maintaining bureaucratic authoritarianism under the New Order government (1966-1998) was an important stimulus for this study. With the downfall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, the authoritarian nature of the bureaucratic system was not only exposed but also changed. These changes have put paid to questions about the involvement of political parties and the influence of societal forces in the formation of policy. The bureaucracy can no longer exist as it was in the New Order, and, in fact, has responded to societal needs by adjusting to the new political climate. In this context, Indonesian politics under the reformation era takes on a wider significance for one of the main results has been the emergence of bureaucratic pluralism – a more pluralistic political system that is more open to the influence of these societal forces. This study was conducted using literature review to understand theories and empirical experiences about the neutrality of the bureaucracy in both national elections and regional elections. This study showed that after 75 years of independence, Indonesia must continue to struggle to build a bureaucracy that is professional (effective and efficient) and politically neutral.

scholarly journals THE BUREAUCRACY NEUTRALITY IN INDONESIAN POLITICS

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
R. Siti Zuhro
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Quality Of Democracy ◽  
Societal Needs ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Regional Elections ◽  
Important Stimulus

The politicization of the Indonesian bureaucracy in election is attracting great attention since it’s resulted in declining quality of democracy in this country. Although political change since 1998 has given greater strength to societal forces vis-à-vis the state, the fact is that the legacy of patronage network still exists. The politicization of the bureaucracy through the weakening of political parties and maintaining bureaucratic authoritarianism under the New Order government (1966-1998) was an important stimulus for this study. With the downfall of Soeharto’s New Order regime, the authoritarian nature of the bureaucratic system was not only exposed but also changed. These changes have put paid to questions about the involvement of political parties and the influence of societal forces in the formation of policy. The bureaucracy can no longer exist as it was in the New Order, and, in fact, has responded to societal needs by adjusting to the new political climate. In this context, Indonesian politics under the reformation era takes on a wider significance for one of the main results has been the emergence of bureaucratic pluralism – a more pluralistic political system that is more open to the influence of these societal forces. This study was conducted using literature review to understand theories and empirical experiences about the neutrality of the bureaucracy in both national elections and regional elections.

Peculiarities of the juvenile period of the native Chechen genotypes of willow leaf pear (Pyrus salicifolia Pall.)

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 ◽  
pp. 32-38
Author(s):  
E. A. Dolmatov ◽  
R. B. Borzayev ◽  
A. N. Shaipov
Keyword(s):  
Chestnut Soil ◽  
Crop Breeding ◽  
Juvenile Period ◽  
Period 2 ◽  
Russian Research Institute ◽  
The Common ◽  
One Year ◽  
First Time ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
Creative Cooperation

The results of the study of the duration of the juvenile period of indigenous Chechen willow leaf pear genotypes (Pyrus salicifolia Pall.) are given in connection with the acceleration of the breeding process and the use of selected forms in pear breeding for high precocity. The studies were carried out in 2016-2019 at OOO “Orchards of Chechnya” in accordance with the Agreement on creative cooperation with the Russian Research Institute of Fruit Crop Breeding. The work was carried out in accordance with generally accepted programs and methods. The objects of the study were one-year and two-year-old pear seedlings obtained from sowing seeds of selected dwarf and low-growing local Chechen forms of willow pear (P. salicifolia Pall.), laying fruit buds on annual growths and seedlings of Caucasian pear (P. caucasica Fed.), 20 500 pcs. of each specie. The aim of the research was to study the potential of precocity of willow pear seedlings and to reveal of selected forms with the greatest degree of this trait. Stratified seeds were sown in the sowing department of the OOO “Orchards of Chechnya” production nursery in April, 2017. The seedlings were grown according to the common technology in dryland conditions on the plot with chestnut soil. The first fl owering of plants was noted in the spring, 2019. As a result of the research, for the first time on a large number of the experimental material it was found that in the off spring of the indigenous Chechen willow leaf pear genotypes, the selection of a little more than 2% of seedlings with a very short juvenile period (2 years) was possible. They are of great interest in accelerating the breeding process and in the selection of new pear varieties with high precocity. 20 willow leaf pear genotypes were selected for the further use in breeding for high precocity and as sources of the trait of short juvenile period.

Heart Transplantation for Pediatric and Congenital Cardiac Disease: A Comparison of Two Eras over 23 Years and 188 Transplants at a Single Institution

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-26
Author(s):  
Genevieve C. Tuite ◽  
James A. Quintessenza ◽  
Alfred Asante-Korang ◽  
Sharon R. Ghazarian ◽  
Bethany L. Wisotzkey ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Heart Transplantation ◽  
Multivariable Analysis ◽  
Immunosuppressive Agent ◽  
Cox Proportional Hazard ◽  
Kaplan Meier ◽  
Congenital Cardiac Disease ◽  
Cox Proportional Hazard Models ◽  
One Year ◽  
Patterns Of Practice ◽  
First Time

Background: To assess changes in patterns of practice and outcomes over time, we reviewed all patients who underwent heart transplantation (HTx) at our institution and compared two consecutive eras with significantly different immunosuppressive protocols (cohort 1 [80 HTx, June 1995-June 2006]; cohort 2 [108 HTx, July 2006-September 2018]). Methods: Retrospective study of 180 patients undergoing 188 HTx (June 1995-September 2018; 176 first time HTx, 10 second HTx, and 2 third HTx). In 2006, we commenced pre-HTx desensitization for highly sensitized patients and started using tacrolimus as our primary postoperative immunosuppressive agent. The primary outcome was mortality. Survival was modeled by the Kaplan-Meier method. Univariable and multivariable Cox proportional hazard models were created to identify prognostic factors for survival. Results: Our 188 HTx included 18 neonates, 85 infants, 83 children, and 2 adults (>18 years). Median age was 260.0 days (range: 5 days-23.8 years). Median weight was 7.5 kg (range: 2.2-113 kg). Patients in cohort 1 were less likely to have been immunosensitized preoperatively (12.5% vs 28.7%, P = .017). Nevertheless, Kaplan-Meier analysis suggested superior survival in cohort 2 ( P = .0045). Patients in cohort 2 were more likely to be alive one year, five years, and ten years after HTx. Multivariable analysis identified the earlier era (hazard ratio [HR] [95% confidence interval] for recent era = 0.32 [0.14-0.73]), transplantation after prior Norwood operation (HR = 4.44 [1.46-13.46]), and number of prior cardiac operations (HR = 1.33 [1.03-1.71]) as risk factors for mortality. Conclusions: Our analysis of 23 years of pediatric and congenital HTx reveals superior survival in the most recent 12-year era, despite the higher proportion of patients with elevated panel reactive antibody in the most recent era. This improvement was temporally associated with changes in our immunosuppressive strategy.

The Situation of Catholic Instruction in Transylvania during the Communist Takeover

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 33-52
Author(s):  
László Holló
Keyword(s):  
Religious Education ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Virgin Mary ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
God's Will ◽  
School Network ◽  
One Year ◽  
The Moment ◽  
First Time ◽  
The Catholic Church

"In less than one year, the Catholic Church, just like the other denominations, lost its school network built along the centuries. This was the moment when the bishop wrote: “No one can resent if we shed tears over the loss of our schools and educational institutions”. Moreover, he stated that he would do everything to re-store the injustice since they could not resent if we used all the legal possibilities and instruments to retrieve our schools that we were illegally dispossessed of. Furthermore, he evaluated the situation realistically and warned the families to be more responsible. He emphasized the parents’ responsibility. First and foremost, the mother was the child’s first teacher of religion. She taught him the first prayers; he heard about God, Jesus, the Virgin Mary, and the angels from his mother for the first time. He asked for the mothers’ and the parents’ support also in mastering the teachings of the faith. Earlier, he already instructed the priests to organize extramu-ral biblical classes for the children and youth. At this point, he asked the families to cooperate effectively, especially to lead an ardent, exemplary religious life, so that the children would grow up in a religious and moral life according to God’s will, learn-ing from the parents’ examples. And just as on many other occasions throughout history, the Catholic Church started building again. It did not build spectacular-looking churches and schools but rather modest catechism halls to bring communities together. These were the places where the priests of the dioceses led by the bishop’s example and assuming all the persecutions, incessantly educated the school children to the love of God and of their brethren, and the children even more zealously attended the catechism classes, ignoring their teachers’ prohibitions. Keywords: Márton Áron, Diocese of Transylvania, confessional religious education, communism, nationalization of catholic schools, Catholic Church in Romania in 1948."

Abstract P670: Obesity and Mortality After the First Ischemic Stroke: Is Obesity Paradox Real?

Stroke ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (Suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Durgesh Chaudhary ◽  
Ayesha Khan ◽  
Mudit Gupta ◽  
Yirui Hu ◽  
Jiang Li ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Ischemic Stroke ◽  
Proportional Hazards Model ◽  
Obesity Paradox ◽  
Cox Proportional Hazards ◽  
Cox Proportional Hazards Model ◽  
Obese Patients ◽  
Stroke Patients ◽  
Stroke Event ◽  
One Year ◽  
First Time

Introduction: Obesity is an established risk factor for ischemic stroke but the association of increased body mass index (BMI) with survival after ischemic stroke remains controversial. Many studies have shown that increased BMI has a “protective” effect on survival after stroke while other studies have debunked the obesity paradox. This study aimed at examining the relationship between BMI and all-cause mortality at one year in first-time ischemic stroke patients using data extracted from different resources including electronic health records. Methods: We analyzed consecutive ischemic stroke patients captured in the Geisinger NeuroScience Ischemic Stroke (GNSIS) database. Survival in first-time ischemic stroke patients was analyzed using Kaplan-Meier estimator, stratified by different BMI categories. The predictors of mortality at one-year were assessed using a multivariate Cox proportional hazards model. Results: Among 6,703 first-time adult ischemic stroke patients, mean age was 70.2 ±13.5 years and 52% were men. Of these patients, 24% patients were non-overweight (BMI < 25), 34% were overweight (BMI 25-29.9) and 41% were obese (BMI ≥ 30). One-year survival probability was significantly higher in overweight patients (87%, 95% CI: [85.6 - 88.4], p<0.001) and obese patients (89.5%, 95% CI: [88.4 - 90.7], p<0.001) compared to non-overweight patients (78.1%, 95% CI: [76.0 - 80.1]). In multivariate analysis, one-year mortality was significantly lower in overweight and obese patients (overweight patients- HR = 0.61 [95% CI, 0.52 - 0.72]; obese patients- HR = 0.56 [95% CI, 0.48 - 0.67]). Other significant predictors of one-year mortality were age at the ischemic stroke event (HR = 1.04 [95% CI, 1.03 - 1.04]), history of neoplasm (HR = 1.59 [95% CI, 1.38 - 1.85]), atrial fibrillation or flutter (HR = 1.26 [95% CI, 1.09 - 1.46]), heart failure (HR = 1.68 [95% CI, 1.42 - 1.98]), diabetes mellitus (HR = 1.27 [95% CI, 1.1 - 1.47]), rheumatic disease (HR = 1.37 [95% CI, 1.05 - 1.78]) and myocardial infarction ((HR = 1.23 [95% CI, 1.02 - 1.48]). Conclusion: Our results support the obesity paradox in ischemic stroke patients as shown by a significantly decreased hazard ratio for one-year mortality among overweight and obese patients in comparison to non-overweight patients.

scholarly journals Perubahan Perilaku Pemilih (Voting Behaviour) Partai Politik Islam Dalam Sejarah Kofigurasi Politik Indonesia

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-254
Author(s):  
Ahmad Gelora Mahardika ◽  
Sun Fatayati
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
New Order ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Presidential Decree ◽  
History Of ◽  
Political Configuration ◽  
Islamic Political Parties ◽  
Constitutional Changes ◽  
Islamic Party

This paper aims to examine the phenomenon of the decline of voters in Islamic ideology in Indonesia. Indonesian history notes that Islamic Political Parties have triumphed in political circles with their ability to impose fierce debates against nationalist groups and religions other than Islam when discussing constitutional changes. The endless debate then forced President Soekarno to issue a presidential decree. The sweet history of Islamic Political Parties began to decline when the regime of the New Order government fused authoritatively and caused no more unity of opinion in the Islamic party. At present, Islamic ideology political parties also have a tendency to turn to the Cacth All Party, which is considered more profitable and provides wider opportunities to gain power. This paper aims to prove the changing behavior of voters of Islamic political parties in the history of Indonesia's political configuration.

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