scholarly journals Reflections on the Drive to Return Mission Schools to their Owners in Nigeria

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Ige Akindele Matthew
Keyword(s):  
Access To Education ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Christian Missions ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Mission Schools ◽  
Religious Intolerance ◽  
Cost Of Education ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level ◽  
Effective Supervision

The issue of whether the government in Nigeria should return the schools taken from the religious organizations over four decades ago is a topic for debate. While many are arguing that such schools should be returned to their owners, others, want the government to stay action on it. It however needs not be over-emphasized that the policy of government control of schools has to a large extent guaranteed equal educational opportunities, quality education provision, increased access to education, religious tolerance, and improved national unity. When viewed from another perspective, can Nigeria afford to take another risk by returning the schools to the Missions, more so that issues of unemployment, high cost of education, religious intolerance, among others, are prevalent in the country, which the return of the schools will promote to a high level? In this paper, the roles which the Christian Missions played in the educational system were examined while the arguments for and against this initiative were examined. It is hopeful that with adequate financing, effective supervision of schools, standards put in place by the government, the agitation of people for the return of schools to the original owners will become history.

scholarly journals Efektivitas Program Kartu Jakarta Pintar Tingkat Sekolah Menengah Atas Negeri di Kecamatan Pesanggrahan

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-50
Author(s):  
Anisah Anisah ◽  
Etty Soesilowati
Keyword(s):  
Random Sampling ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Compulsory Education ◽  
School Enrollment ◽  
Government Funding ◽  
Provincial Government ◽  
Stratified Random Sampling ◽  
Access To Education ◽  
Cost Of Education ◽  
The Government

Jakarta Provincial Government to implement 12-year compulsory education policy since 2007. However, the disparity in school enrollment between groups is still quite high. One reason is the high cost of education borne by students. For the Jakarta provincial government funding to enforce policies KJP. But there are still cases of misuse of funds. The method used in this research is descriptive analysis percentage. The samples in this research using stratified random sampling. The results showed KJP program on education National High School is quite effective it is seen from the success of the program and the success of the target. Advice can be given by researchers that, for the government should pay more attention to the socialization of the new regulations so that the continuity of the program KJP can be better and for beneficiaries students and parents should be the attitude of opportunities to be controlled and relieve dependence on KJP only for the fulfillment of access to education and not for personal needs. Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta melaksanakan kebijakan wajib belajar 12 tahun sejak tahun 2007. Namun, disparitas partisipasi sekolah antar kelompok masyarakat masih cukup tinggi. Salah satu alasannya adalah tingginya biaya pendidikan yang ditanggung oleh peserta didik. Untuk itu pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta memberlakukan kebijakan pemberian dana KJP. Namun masih adanya kasus penyalahgunaan dana. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis deskriptif persentase. Penentuan sampel dalam penelitian ini mengunakan  stratified random sampling. Hasil penelitian menunjukan Program KJP  pada jenjang pendidikan Sekolah Menengah Atas Negeri terbilang cukup efektif hal ini dilihat dari keberhasilan program dan keberhasilan sasaran. Saran yang dapat diberikan oleh peneliti yaitu, bagi pemerintah hendaknya lebih memperhatikan sosialisasi tentang peraturan yang baru agar keberlangsungan program KJP dapat lebih maksimal.dan bagi para penerima bantuan siswa dan orang tua hendaknya sikap opportunities harus dikendalikan dan menghilangkan rasa ketergantungan terhadap program karena Kartu Jakarta Pintar diperuntukan hanya untuk pemenuhan akses pendidikan, bukan untuk kebutuhan pribadi.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

Poetics of the Pillory

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Keymer
Keyword(s):  
English Literature ◽  
Extended Period ◽  
Government Control ◽  
History And Criticism ◽  
Romantic Period ◽  
Restoration Measure ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government ◽  
Argument Proceeds ◽  
Prior Restraint

On the lapse of the Licensing Act in 1695, Thomas Macaulay wrote in his History of England, ‘English literature was emancipated, and emancipated for ever, from the control of the government’. It’s certainly true that the system of prior restraint enshrined in this Restoration measure was now at an end, at least for print. Yet the same cannot be said of government control, which came to operate instead by means of post-publication retribution, not pre-publication licensing, notably for the common-law offence of seditious libel. For many of the authors affected, from Defoe to Cobbett, this new regime was a greater constraint on expression than the old, not least for its alarming unpredictability, and for the spectacular punishment—the pillory—that was sometimes entailed. Yet we may also see the constraint as an energizing force. Throughout the eighteenth century and into the Romantic period, writers developed and refined ingenious techniques for communicating dissident or otherwise contentious meanings while rendering the meanings deniable. As a work of both history and criticism, this book traces the rise and fall of seditious libel prosecution, and with it the theatre of the pillory, while arguing that the period’s characteristic forms of literary complexity—ambiguity, ellipsis, indirection, irony—may be traced to the persistence of censorship in the post-licensing world. The argument proceeds through case studies of major poets and prose writers including Dryden, Defoe, Pope, Fielding, Johnson, and Southey, and also calls attention to numerous little-known satires and libels across the extended period.

scholarly journals Reconciliation of anti-money laundering instruments and European data protection requirements in permissionless blockchain spaces

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Iwona Karasek-Wojciechowicz
Keyword(s):  
Data Processing ◽  
Money Laundering ◽  
Data Protection ◽  
Task Force ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Personal Data ◽  
General Data Protection Regulation ◽  
Terrorist Financing ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level

AbstractThis article is an attempt to reconcile the requirements of the EU General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) and anti-money laundering and combat terrorist financing (AML/CFT) instruments used in permissionless ecosystems based on distributed ledger technology (DLT). Usually, analysis is focused only on one of these regulations. Covering by this research the interplay between both regulations reveals their incoherencies in relation to permissionless DLT. The GDPR requirements force permissionless blockchain communities to use anonymization or, at the very least, strong pseudonymization technologies to ensure compliance of data processing with the GDPR. At the same time, instruments of global AML/CFT policy that are presently being implemented in many countries following the recommendations of the Financial Action Task Force, counteract the anonymity-enhanced technologies built into blockchain protocols. Solutions suggested in this article aim to induce the shaping of permissionless DLT-based networks in ways that at the same time would secure the protection of personal data according to the GDPR rules, while also addressing the money laundering and terrorist financing risks created by transactions in anonymous blockchain spaces or those with strong pseudonyms. Searching for new policy instruments is necessary to ensure that governments do not combat the development of all privacy-blockchains so as to enable a high level of privacy protection and GDPR-compliant data processing. This article indicates two AML/CFT tools which may be helpful for shaping privacy-blockchains that can enable the feasibility of such tools. The first tool is exceptional government access to transactional data written on non-transparent ledgers, obfuscated by advanced anonymization cryptography. The tool should be optional for networks as long as another effective AML/CFT measures are accessible for the intermediaries or for the government in relation to a given network. If these other measures are not available and the network does not grant exceptional access, the regulations should allow governments to combat the development of those networks. Effective tools in that scope should target the value of privacy-cryptocurrency, not its users. Such tools could include, as a tool of last resort, state attacks which would undermine the trust of the community in a specific network.

The Impact of the Nicaragua Case on Matters of Evidence and Fact-Finding

2012 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-156
Author(s):  
PAUL S. REICHLER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
The United States ◽  
Pulp Mills ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Government ◽  
Fact Finding ◽  
Day To Day Operations ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThe Nicaragua case demonstrates the Court's competence in receiving and interpreting evidence, and in making reasoned findings of fact, even in the most complicated evidentiary context, as is often presented in cases involving use of force and armed conflict. The Court applied well-established standards for evaluating the conflicting evidence presented to it. In particular, the Court determined that greater weight should be given to statements against interest made by high-level government officials than to a state's self-serving declarations. The Court also determined that statements by disinterested witnesses with first-hand knowledge should receive greater weight than mere statements of opinion or press reports. In applying these guidelines, the Court found, correctly, that (i) the United States had used military and paramilitary force against Nicaragua both directly and indirectly, by organizing, financing, arming, and training the Contra guerrillas to attack Nicaragua; (ii) the evidence did not support a finding that the United States exercised direct control over the Contras’ day-to-day operations; and (iii) there was no evidence that Nicaragua supplied arms to guerrillas fighting against the government of El Salvador during the relevant period, or carried out an armed attack against that state. While Judge Schwebel's dissent criticized the last of these findings, in fact, the evidence fully supported the Court's conclusion. In subsequent decisions during the past 25 years, the Court has continued to rely on the approach to evidence first elaborated in the Nicaragua case and has continued to demonstrate its competence as a finder of fact, including in cases involving armed conflict (Bosnia Genocide) and complex scientific and technical issues (Pulp Mills).

Zambia's Second Republic —the Establishment of a One-Party State

1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Pettman
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
The State ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Common Enemy ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Party State

Zambia inherited a system of government and administration in 1964 which was ill-suited to the tasks of political development to which her new leaders were dedicated. What little national unity and mobilisation had been achieved in the independence struggle declined with the removal of the common enemy. The Government rested on a fragile base, without the support of agreed rules and practices to limit and contain conflict, and without adequate instruments available for the implementation of its policies. So the search began for a more suitable political system, which could cope with the new needs of independence, and provide for the stability of the state and the survival of the Government.

Critical Analysis on the Comparative Advantage of Presidentialism over Parliamentary System on Liberty and National Unity in Ethiopia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Sisay A. Temesgen
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The Ethiopian Federal Democratic Republic (EFDR) Constitution is promulgated in 1994. Under Article (45) of the EFDR the country is restructured from presidential to parliamentary system of government. Since then, the country has been ravaged by the gross violation of the liberty of citizens and the crisis of national unity and consensus among the diversified ethnic groups. The impact of the parliamentary system in aggravating those critical challenges and the comparative advantage of presidantialism is the most ignored political research topic. In this Article, I investigated that the blurry separation of powers of the parliamentary structure of the country has created fusion of powers which has undermined the system of checks and balances. Thus, the executive organ of the government has enabled to concentrate unchecked and unaccountable power which has manifested in the gross violation of the liberty of citizens. Likewise, Article (73) of EFDR has declared that the prime minister and council of ministers of the country to be appointed by the legislators. This has deprived their boarder popular base and authenticity; and equivocally undermined their potency and decisiveness in addressing the existing crisis of national unity and consensus. Comparatively, the presidential structure of government is defined by the firm separation of powers and genuine system of checks and balances. The direct popular election of the president enables the president and council of ministers to secure broader popular base and authenticity. Thus, it is advantageous over parliamentarian structure in terms of protecting the liberty of citizens and addressing the crisis of national unity and consensus in Ethiopia.

Criteria for the Evaluation of Social Policy Effectiveness of States

2014 ◽  
pp. 87-97
Author(s):  
V. Sautkina
Keyword(s):  
Developed Countries ◽  
Legal Aspects ◽  
Educational Services ◽  
State Control ◽  
National Education ◽  
Current State ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Government ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Cost

The following article is devoted to the study of current state of national education and healthcare systems. The cost of services in these areas constantly increases, there for even developed countries are forced to make significant efforts in order to maintain earlier achieved results. Due to this reason countries entered into the period of constant reforms with the purpose of maintaining that high level of health and educational services for all segments of population with a constant reduction of its volume of financing. The legal aspects of these changes are requiring manifestation of the will of politicians in order to overcome the opposition of parties which are defending their interests. As an example, the main opponents of the healthcare reforms proposed by Barak Obama in the USA are Republicans who are concerned about a significant increase of a state control over the entire national insurance system. The author comes to the conclusion that only joint actions of the government and every segment of population might actually improve the quality of medical and educational services.

Unsettled Libyan politics may fuel violence in Tripoli

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United Arab Emirates ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Commander ◽  
The Government

Significance The violence is indicative of growing friction between local Tripolitanian militias under the influence of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and forces now loyal to the Government of National Unity (GNU), which in 2019 rallied from across western Libya to defend the capital from eastern military commander Khalifa Haftar’s siege. Impacts This is a last-ditch act by the UAE’s only remaining military assets in western Libya, and could provoke conflict with Turkish proxies. Violence involving Turkish-backed forces would refocus European attention on Ankara’s role in Libya and reignite pressure for a withdrawal. Renewed violence would end a recent economic revival in Tripoli, created by a period of peace and many reconstruction contracts.

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