scholarly journals Resolving Identity-based Conflicts in the North Caucasus

2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Maxim Popov

The article reviews the present state of analysis of regional conflict resolution in foreign and Russian literature. The goal of the research is to analyze the constructive methods for resolving ethno-political conflicts in the North Caucasus. Identity-based conflicts as a type of ethno-political conflicts have become a considerable obstacle to the Post-Soviet modernization in the current decade. The interest in the concept of identity-based conflict has been increasing worldwide during the first decade of the 21-st century. Competing identity became a prism for studying the problem of security in multi-ethnic communities. A rapid strengthening of hyper-ethnic identity of the citizens of Russia occurred in two post-Soviet decades. It was manifested in the demands of ethnocentrism, national-cultural autonomy, secession, as well as in the substantial growth of tension in ethnic relations, which resulted in protracted identity-based conflicts. Conflict resolution in the North Caucasus may be built on the principles of civic solidarity and socio-political integration but not on the assimilation policy and suppression of ethnicities.

Politologija ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxim Popov

This article explores the major approaches to the study of conflict resolution strategy from a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy, as a civil integration resource, is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflicts in the unstable North Caucasus. This research pursues the goal of analyzing how the strength of civil integration can affect conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The author considers the essential factors of protracted ethnic conflicts and emphasizes the destabilizing role of the repoliticization of ethnicity in a crisis society. The concept of ethnic, “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoretical model of exploring causes for increased ethnoreligious tensions in the North Caucasus. This article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution strategy to de-escalate growing tensions and transform protracted identity-based conflicts. The need to stimulate civil integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical point of view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factors are related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentation and an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the structural conditions of regional conflicts, the author names ethnosocial inequalities, a civil identity crisis, ethnopolitical neo-authoritarianism, large-scale socioeconomic polarization and an “ideological combat” between secular modernization and religious fundamentalism. While discussing conflict resolution strategies, it is necessary to consider the following: 1) Peace and integration within the North Caucasus is a macropolitical project, the content of which is determined by issues of social cohesion and civil solidarity; 2) The development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows the inadmissibility of political demodernization, fundamentalism and isolationism. Today, the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macroregion, as it forms the southern volatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as an integrational and preventive tool on the conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted cultural antagonisms, transforming and rationalizing ethnoregional contradictions.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Н.Ф. Бугай

В статье на основе исследований российских ученых, архивных документов, воспоминаний рассматривается слабо изученная в отечественной историографии проблема участия представителей этнических меньшинств в битвах за Кавказ и Крым в ходе Великой Отечественной войны. В качестве примера автором избраны этнические общности курдов и корейцев. Использованы историко-генетический, историко-биографический и системно-исторический методы. Изучены меры советского командования по формированию национальных воинских подразделений; реконструированы биографии героев войны – корейцев и курдов, участвовавших в освобождении Юга России и получивших боевые награды; прослежена их послевоенная судьба; рассмотрены репрессивные действия советского правительства по отношению к военнослужащим некоторых национальностей. Автор заключает, что представители разных народов СССР, столкнувшись с врагом, проявили стремление к единству и добровольное желание выступить на защиту государства, которое они избрали своей Родиной. The aim of the article is to reconstruct the biographies of participants in the Great Patriotic War (1941–1945), who belonged to ethnic minorities and fought for the liberation of the Caucasus and Crimea from Nazi invaders. As an example, the author selected ethnic communities of Kurds and Koreans. The study was conducted on the basis of research by Russian scholars, archival documents, and memoirs of direct participants in the events. The historical-genetic, historical-biographical and system-historical methods were used. The measures of the Soviet command for the formation of national military units were studied, the biographies of war heroes, Koreans and Kurds who participated in the liberation of the South of Russia and received military awards (including the title Hero of the Soviet Union) were reconstructed. The author describes in detail the military clashes during which these fighters showed military prowess, presents their photographs, and traces their further military path, post-war fate and forms of their memory perpetuation. Quotations from the war veterans’ front-line letters and their relatives’ memoirs are given. The repressive actions of the Soviet government towards the military personnel of certain nationalities, who after the demobilization received the status of “special settlers” and lost their military tickets and award sheets, are also considered. The author emphasizes that the fight against the enemy was a test of strength for the unity of the peoples living in the Caucasus and Crimea. Examples of civic solidarity in the fight against the enemy shown by ethnic minorities in the early days of the war (mass enrollment in volunteers, holding civil rallies) are given. It is noted that representatives of local ethnic communities became the basis of 12 military units that were at the forefront of the defenders of the Caucasus. The paradoxical nature of the situation in which USSR citizens were repressed for various (often far-fetched) reasons is stated; however, during the war they still heroically fought against Nazism with arms in their hands. The author connects the repressions against members of the ethnic minorities with the ethnosocial policy pursued by the Soviet state, as well as the spread of desertion and draft evasion in the North Caucasus and Crimea. It is concluded that representatives of ethnic minorities living in the USSR, faced with the enemy, showed a desire for unity and a voluntary desire to defend the state, which they chose as their homeland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 560-580
Author(s):  
Samantha Nibali

Abstract After decades of violent separatist conflict between the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared the region stabilized and peaceful in 2008. Despite this grand proclamation of peace, Chechnya today operates under an environment of violent repression and the conflict remains un-managed. This article argues that a threshold of sufficiency exists which settlement strategies must pass to achieve peace. While a perceived peace may occur when the armed conflict ends, without sufficient management strategies the identity-based roots of the conflict will manifest in other forms beneath the surface. By examining co-optation, power-sharing, autonomy and reconciliation, this research finds that while Russia’s incomplete conflict management strategy may have ended the violent insurgency within Chechnya, the failure to apply these principles sufficiently has allowed violence to continue. This research hopes to be applicable in informing strategies to resolve conflicts in multi-ethnic states within and beyond the North Caucasus.


Author(s):  
Viktor Avksent’ev ◽  
Galina Gritsenko ◽  
Svetlana Ivanova ◽  
Marina Shulga

Introduction. Positive dynamics in the ethnopolitical sphere of the North Caucasus does not mean that there are no further risks of the escalation of the ethnopolitical tension and stabilizing processes are irreversible. The goal and objectives of the article are the identification of the current ethnopolitical situation in the North Caucasus and assessment of the achievements or failures of the decade-long implementation of programs of reconstructiong the region. The authors identify risk factors of the ethnopolitical tension in the North Caucasus as a key approach to conflict forecasting, develop a hierarchy of risk factors, and assess the optimality of management decisions. Methods and discussion. In the context of the discussion the most relevant is understanding risks as an inevitable product of decision-making (Luhmann). The analysis of risk generating processes in the North Caucasus is most effective from the standpoint of the conflict studies (conflict resolution) approach (Burton). Empirical data was obtained by series of expert surveys, the Delphi method, content analysis of media sources (the Internet, printed press, radio, television) and analysis of official statistical data. The conclusion was made that during the past three years positive results have been achieved mainly due to administrative resources and activities of the institutions of force (“siloviki”), but those resources are close to exhaustion. All “classical” risk factors identified by the country’s leadership in 2009 remain and “new” risk factors are actualized. Among the “classical” risks, the first positions are occupied by the low level of industrial production, the critical dependence of the North Caucasus republics on federal budget subsidies, the lag in life standards in these republics from the average in Russia, the retention of a high unemployment rate. These risks are to a large extent due to such factor as the low efficiency of regional authorities. The “new” risk factors include those that were in a latent state, but now can turn into manifest conflicts. This is, above all, a land-use problem that has various modifications: ethnic, territorial, economic, historical. Further studies of the problems of the North Caucasus are related to the analysis of the effectiveness of the system of ethnopolitical security and centre-peripheral relations, to the new non-trivial approaches in the theory of Russian federalism, to the choice of a model of spatial development of the Russian Federation. Analysis and results. Despite the general improvement of the climate of ethnic relations, risk factors in the ethnopolitical situation in the North Caucasus can result in the return of the region to the negative conflict scenario. The modern North Caucasus can be characterized as a risk society, in which risks appear as a result of decision making more and more frequently. Some positive “shifts” in the economic and social basis of life in the region are not sufficient for irreversible changes of the situation for the better. The specificity of current problems in the North Caucasus is that their conflict potential can be implemented “unexpectedly” through various indirect links.


2020 ◽  
pp. 35-52
Author(s):  
Maxim POPOV

The article is devoted to comparative analysis of contemporary political theories of socio-cultural integration policy as a way of constructive conϐlict resolution in the North Caucasus. Latent ethno-political conflicts remain the most noticeable of contemporary challenges and threats to civil solidarity and ethnic peace in this unstable region. The fundamental issue that requires a constructive solution in order to ensure political stability in the North Caucasus region is the promotion of multi-level and inclusive sociocultural integration. This study claims that the escalation of protracted, deep-rooted conϐlicts is the result of large-scale social disintegration as a fundamental threat to the North Caucasus stability. Socio-cultural disintegration is superimposed on ethno-territorial and social polarization: ethno-political particularism, religious traditionalism and large-scale demodernization of the North Caucasus archaize regional identities, hindering the formation of civil society.


2020 ◽  
pp. 482-495
Author(s):  
B. V. Tuaeva ◽  
E. I. Kobakhidze

The article is devoted to the formation of a multi-ethnic and multicultural environment of North Caucasian cities and settlements in the second half of the XIX - early XX centuries, where a significant place was given to ethnic communities of European migrants. On the example of the life of the German, Greek, and Polish communities, we consider the features of the development and support of educational, enlightenment, social, and cultural initiatives. The authors of the article revealed that all social initiatives and practices in the North Caucasus were correlated with reforms and sociocultural policies in the country as a whole, and also served as an example of the effectiveness of ongoing activities to involve the region in the all-Russian space. It is emphasized that through voluntary non-governmental associations the poor were supported, targeted assistance was provided to those in need. It is proved that educational projects, which contributed to the dissemination of scientific knowledge and familiarization with European and Russian culture, were particularly relevant in the diverse activities of societies (charitable, ethno-confessional, cultural, educational, artistic, scientific). It is concluded that it was the Russian language as the state-forming, communication and progressive factor in the development of society that acted as an integration and adaptive resource in the multi-ethnic and multi-confessional North Caucasus region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-181
Author(s):  
Svetlana V. Ryzhova

The level of ethnic identity, the measure of its actualization, and the nature of ethnic attitudes that reflect the attitude of Russians to the ethno-cultural diversity of public space are considered on the basis of data from representative national research and researches in Tatarstan and Sacha (Yakutia). It is concluded that the high values of ethnic identity and the ethnic solidarity (formed on its basis) indicate the most important role of culture in the formation of all-Russian unity. The actualization of ethnic identity and interest in protecting ethnic and cultural diversity vary at the Federal districts: the highest values were obtained in the North Caucasus Federal district. Also, the risks of possible inter-ethnic and inter-religious tensions in the North Caucasus Federal district are perceived more acutely than in the Russian Federation on average. Orientations that recognize the right of all Russian peoples to state support for their cultures and religions are very widely represented, but at the same time alternative orientations that are aimed at priority support for the culture and religion of the Russian majority are also supported in public opinion. Research shows the trend of participation of ethnic identity of Russians in the formation of state-civil unity; there is a consensus in the society in the field of interethnic relations. Along with the actualization of ethnic identity, all-Russians have a high level of ethnic tolerance; however, violations of justice against the people or faith can be a destabilizing factor in inter-ethnic relations.


Author(s):  
В.А. МАТВЕЕВ

Июльские события в Петрограде способствовали углублению революционного кризиса в России, сопровождавшегося дестабилизацией обстановки не только в центральных субъектах, но и на окраинах. В пределах Терской области летом 1917 г. участились межэтнические конфликты. И в тех условиях провоцировались они набегами на казачьи и иные русские поселения, а также аулы мирных горцев. В ходе их осуществлялись «грабежи и разбои», подрывавшие сельскохозяйственное производство. Обозначившаяся угроза гражданской войны для народов края оказывалась так или иначе общей. Наметился отток русского населения. Беженцами становились и горцы. По мнению автора, в 1917 г. восстановилась линия противостояния, существовавшая когда‑то в эпоху Кавказской войны. Однако по критерию «свой — чужой» она не имела уже четкой привязки к тем или иным локальным  ареалам. Сказывалось смешение населения, произошедшее из‑за оттока в равнинные аулы с нагорной полосы. Тем не менее, как и в период Кавказской войны, немалая часть горцев включилась в противодействие набегам, подтверждая и в условиях революционной неопределенности приверженность российскому выбору. В статье анализируется исторический опыт поиска решений к восстановлению стабильности в крае и сохранению целостности общего для всех расселявшихся в его пределах народов отечества. Для раскрытия темы привлечена информация из источников, ранее не вводившихся в научный оборот. Показываются усилия всех этнических сообществ края в устранении конфликтных ситуаций и поиске соответствующих конструктивных решений. The July events in Petrograd worked towards further aggravation of Russian revolutionary crisis, followed by onward destabilization sweeping both central and peripheral regions of the country. In the summer of 1917, the northeastern areas of the Caucasus within the Tersky region witnessed an upswing in interethnic conflicts, which were at that point in time encouraged by ongoing raids on Cossack and other Russian settlements, as well as the auls of peaceful mountaineers. These raids came amid plunder and depredation, which undermined agricultural production. The imminent threat of civil war turned out a common peril for the peoples inhabiting the region, whereby both Russian population and the mountaineers fled to become refugees. The author believes that 1917 restored the line of confrontation, which once existed in the era of the Caucasian war. However, in terms of the «insider-outsider» criterion, this line was no longer clearly defined. This had a lot to do with the medley of population that emerged due to collective settling in flat land auls as people moved away from the upland. Nevertheless, just as was the case with the Caucasian War, many mountaineers joined in the resistance to raids, thus affirming their commitment to the choice of ties with Russia even in the context of revolutionary unrest. The article analyzes the historical practices in addressing stability issues in the region and preserving the integrity of the peoples that settled within it. The topic is explored using the data retrieved from sources previously not covered by the scientific nomenclature. In keeping with these data, the study illustrates the efforts of all ethnic communities of the region in eliminating conflicts and finding appropriate practical solutions.


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