Strategies to End Violence in Ethnic Conflicts: What is Sufficient? The Case of “Peace” in Chechnya

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 560-580
Author(s):  
Samantha Nibali
Keyword(s):  
Management Strategy ◽  
Management Strategies ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian President ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Vladimir Putin

Abstract After decades of violent separatist conflict between the Russian Federation and the Chechen Republic, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared the region stabilized and peaceful in 2008. Despite this grand proclamation of peace, Chechnya today operates under an environment of violent repression and the conflict remains un-managed. This article argues that a threshold of sufficiency exists which settlement strategies must pass to achieve peace. While a perceived peace may occur when the armed conflict ends, without sufficient management strategies the identity-based roots of the conflict will manifest in other forms beneath the surface. By examining co-optation, power-sharing, autonomy and reconciliation, this research finds that while Russia’s incomplete conflict management strategy may have ended the violent insurgency within Chechnya, the failure to apply these principles sufficiently has allowed violence to continue. This research hopes to be applicable in informing strategies to resolve conflicts in multi-ethnic states within and beyond the North Caucasus.

scholarly journals THE ESSENCE OF THE PHENOMENON OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION GEOPOLITICS

2017 ◽  
pp. 4-15
Author(s):  
O. Kondratenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
The North ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
Internal Politics ◽  
The Status ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The Russian Federation

The essence of the internal geopolitics of the Russian Federation (RF) and its influence on the foreign policy of Moscow is analyzed in the article. It was found that on the background of Russian nationalism the activation of separatist sentiments in the Russian national autonomies had occurred, particularly in the North Caucasus (Chechnia, Dahestan).Eventually, it caused two Chechen wars, as well as to the formation of dissatisfaction with the Center’s actions in Tatarstan, South and East Siberia and others. However, after internal politics and internal economy shocks of the 1990-th Russia has outlined a course to restore the status of a great state. An important factor for the Russian government is the support of its foreign policy by the population. It is traced that the level of electoral support of the Russian president entirely depends on the success of the Russian Federation on the international arena. Kremlin actively cultivates and uses imperial mood of society in order to justify the return of its “unjustly deprived” great power status. Therefore, governmental expansionist geostrategy obtains active support among theintelligentsia and broad social strata.

scholarly journals MAJOR THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO CONSTRUCTIVE CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS

Politologija ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxim Popov
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Structural Factors ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Identity Based ◽  
Conflict Resolution Strategy ◽  
Resolution Strategy

This article explores the major approaches to the study of conflict resolution strategy from a variety of interdisciplinary perspectives. It argues that conflict resolution strategy, as a civil integration resource, is a necessary tool for overcoming deep-rooted ethnic conflicts in the unstable North Caucasus. This research pursues the goal of analyzing how the strength of civil integration can affect conflict resolution and peacebuilding. The author considers the essential factors of protracted ethnic conflicts and emphasizes the destabilizing role of the repoliticization of ethnicity in a crisis society. The concept of ethnic, “identity-based” conflicts is the heuristic theoretical model of exploring causes for increased ethnoreligious tensions in the North Caucasus. This article focuses on the ability of conflict resolution strategy to de-escalate growing tensions and transform protracted identity-based conflicts. The need to stimulate civil integration is caused by moral and structural causes: from the ethical point of view, the creation of an inclusive society is the fundamental societal goal; structural factors are related to the need to reduce inequalities and differences leading to social fragmentation and an escalation of ethnic conflicts. Among the structural conditions of regional conflicts, the author names ethnosocial inequalities, a civil identity crisis, ethnopolitical neo-authoritarianism, large-scale socioeconomic polarization and an “ideological combat” between secular modernization and religious fundamentalism. While discussing conflict resolution strategies, it is necessary to consider the following: 1) Peace and integration within the North Caucasus is a macropolitical project, the content of which is determined by issues of social cohesion and civil solidarity; 2) The development of the North Caucasus after the end of armed ethnic conflicts shows the inadmissibility of political demodernization, fundamentalism and isolationism. Today, the North Caucasus remains a crucially geopolitical macroregion, as it forms the southern volatile frontier of Russia. In this case, conflict resolution strategy must serve as an integrational and preventive tool on the conflict environment by way of providing structural solutions for deep-rooted cultural antagonisms, transforming and rationalizing ethnoregional contradictions.

Issues of co-financing of drug provision for the population: international and Russian practice

2020 ◽  
pp. 49-56
Author(s):  
Vasiliy Ryazhenov ◽  
Victoriya Andreyeva ◽  
Elena Zakharochkina
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Life Expectancy ◽  
Health System ◽  
Health Care System ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
High Quality ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Vladimir Putin ◽  
Drug Provision

Russian President Vladimir Putin defined increase in life expectancy from 72.7 to 78 years by 2024 as a national aim in the Decree № 204 of May 7, 2018. Achievement of this aim depends on drug provision system among other factors. Strategy of drug provision for the population of the Russian Federation for the period until 2025 sets the goal of increasing availability of high quality, effective and safe medicines to meet needs of the population and the health system based on the formation of a rational and balanced system of drug provision for the population of the country with available resources. The health care system should expand the possibilities of using modern and effective mechanisms to ensure the financing of drug provision for the population.

ON CULTURAL EXTREMISM AND WAYS TO OVERCOME ITS MANIFESTATION

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-80
Author(s):  
GADZHIEV MAGOMEDEMIN M. ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Political Extremism ◽  
Essential Component ◽  
The North ◽  
Creative Personality ◽  
The Russian Federation

Extremism prevention is an essential component of the work in the field of national security of the country. The article reveals some of the main forms of extremism, such as religious-political, ethno-social, economic, pseudoscientific, and others, and provides examples. The main content of the article is devoted to the disclosure of the essence and diversity of manifestations of cultural extremism in the country, especially in the North Caucasus and Dagestan. Numerous concrete examples are given, proving that cultural extremism takes place and sometimes takes on quite acute forms. It is shown that the manifestations of cultural extremism are more difficult to combat, since it manifests itself among more literate and intellectually savvy people and does not have open ideologically organized forms, as in the case of religious and political extremism. The article considers the current law of the Russian Federation and the draft new law on culture, which notes all the mechanisms for overcoming extremism in culture, and which clearly emphasize the primacy of the rights and freedoms of an individual creative personality.

scholarly journals The Russian Federation Museum Policy in the 1920s - at the Beginning of the 1930s (by the Example of Expositional-Educational Activity of the North Caucasus Regional Museums)

Manuscript ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 57-64
Author(s):  
Lev Alexandrovich Karapetyan ◽  
◽  
Valeriy Nikolaevich Ratushnyak ◽  
Oleg Valerievich Ratushnnyak ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Educational Activity ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
The Russian Federation

scholarly journals Ethnopolitical Tensions and Assessment of the Possibility of Ethnic-National Conflicts

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-39
Author(s):  
Vitaly N. Naydenko
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Social Situation ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Tension Development ◽  
Caucasus Region ◽  
The North ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Republic

The article examines the problems of open and latent ethnonational tension in Russian society, which in the conditions of aggravation of the social situation, may lead to the use of spontaneous methods of solving ethnonational conflicts, including those of a violent nature. A survey of 20 experts, who are qualified specialists in the sphere of ethno-extremism counteraction and ethno-national conflict localization, conducted by the author of the article, has shown that the majority of them have assessed both the current and forecasted situation in the sphere of ethnonational relations as “tense” for the next five to seven years. In their opinion, “ethnonational tension” is conditioned by a number of long-term factors that will influence the content and dynamics of ethnonational conflict in the Russian Federation: the desire of the USA for global dominance and the confrontational policy of NATO member states towards Russia; the antiRussian policy of the Ukrainian leadership, which is attempting to accuse Russia of “unleashing and waging a hybrid war against Ukraine” and actively pushing Western countries to strengthen confrontation with the Russian Federation; attempts by some states to bring territorial claims against Russia; intensification of the fight against embezzlement of budgetary funds, systemic corruption and ethno-extremist manifestations in the North Caucasus region; the ethnopolitical situation in the Republic of Crimea, characterized by manifestations of Ukrainian nationalism and militant Islamism. According to expert estimates, the highest degree of ethnonational tension is currently maintained in the Republic of Dagestan, the Republic of Ingushetia, the Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, the Karachayevo-Circassian Republic, the Republic of Crimea, the Republic of Bashkortostan and the Republic of Tatarstan. The results of research in the article testify to the necessity of constant study of the problem of ethnonational conflicts, research into the factors influencing the maintenance and dynamics of conflict potential, definition of Russian regions with an increased level of tension, development of recommendations to authorities on prevention and localization of ethnonational conflicts.

scholarly journals Seasonal and regional features of the distribution of rotavirus incidence in the Russian Federation

2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 52-54
Author(s):  
A. T Podkolzin ◽  
D. E Kurochkina ◽  
G. A Shipulin
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Temporal Distribution ◽  
Federal District ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
The North ◽  
Regional Features ◽  
Rotavirus Vaccines ◽  
Rostov Region ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Nizhny Novgorod Region

In the work there was performed an analysis of the indices of recorded incidence of rotavirus infection (RVI) in the territory of 40 subjects of the Russian Federation for the period 2008-2012. For the identification of the monthly peak of the incidence there was evaluated the temporal distribution of the relative indices of the RVI incidence within each subject of the observation. There was revealed the independent beginning of the winter-spring seasonal rise of the RVI incidence in three groups of territories of the Russian Federation (1 - Kirov, Kostroma, Nizhny Novgorod region; 2- Republic of Khakassia, Kemerovo region; 3 - Amur region). In the territory of the South and the North Caucasus Federal District (Krasnodarsky and Stavropolsky Krai, Rostov region) there was noted the second, summer-autumn seasonal rise in the RVI incidence. The obtained data provide an overview of the seasonal-geographical distribution of the RVI incidence in the territory of Russia in conditions of the absence of the use of rotavirus vaccines

Places Close to Our Hearts

Near Abroad ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Toal
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Council Meeting ◽  
The North ◽  
Russian President ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
Munich Security Conference ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Vladimir Putin

When U.S. President George W. Bush first met Russian president Vladimir Putin, he praised him as “an honest, straightforward man who loves his country.” Bush indicated that, more than a decade after the Cold War ended, it was “time to move beyond suspicion and towards straight talk.” Thereafter, both presidents established a good working relationship based, in part, on candor and frankness. Putin’s speech at the Munich security conference did not please his hosts, but it had the virtue of clarifying important differences. Similarly, his speech to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO)–Russia Council meeting in Bucharest was forthright and blunt. The compromise language of the Bucharest Declaration—Georgia and Ukraine “will become members of NATO”—was a personal rebuke to the Russian leader, for he had made it clear that NATO expansion to these countries was a “red line” for Russia. Two years earlier Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov warned publicly that Georgia and Ukraine joining NATO could lead to “a collossal shift in global geopolitics.” But those promoting NATO membership for both believed the Russian position amounted to anachronistic sphere-of-influence thinking, and they were determined to prevent what they described as a “Russian veto” on NATO expansion. Putin’s remarks on Georgia in Bucharest—discussed in chapter 4—attracted few headlines. His alleged comments on Ukraine, however, were viewed with alarm at the time by some and considered ominously prophetic by many after 2008, and especially so in the spring of 2014. According to an unnamed NATO country official, an irate Putin turned to Bush and said: “George, you do realize that Ukraine is not even a state. What is Ukraine? Part of its territory is Eastern Europe but the greater part is a gift from us!” Putin reportedly then indicated that should Ukraine join NATO, the state may cease to exist. Russia would then tear off Crimea and eastern Ukraine from the rest of the country. Six years later it appeared Russia was doing precisely this.

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