RUSŲ KARININKIJA KASDIENINIAME IR ŠVENTINIAME XVIII A. VILNIAUS GYVENIME: TAIKAUS SUGYVENIMO REGIMYBĖ

2018 ◽  
pp. 229-243
Author(s):  
Lina Balaišytė
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
The Public ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
Mass Entertainment ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Grand Duchy

Life in the eighteenth century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was signified by active interference of the Russian Empire in the politics of the state. Imperial army was continuously summoned to reinforce Russian interests and to support internal feuds of the Commonwealth. Lithuanian and Polish society was forced to reconcile with the presence of foreign army in the country, whereas Russian officers sought to utilize their presence in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in enhancing useful personal relationships and for the purposes of propaganda. The article explores the relationship between the society of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Russian officers in daily life, how both sides built this coexistence, and how it was changing depending on circumstances. Analysis of sources on everyday life of Vilnius showed that daily life of its citizens was burdened by the obligation of housing and feeding the army, although in ordinarily they tried not to confront this menacing power. People wanted to earn favour of the Russian army leadership and be relieved of this duty through gifts, salutations and other signs of respect. On the other side, Russian officers depended not only on their power, they also tried to form good relationships with the high society and communities, e. g. officers visited monasteries and pass greetings during church celebrations. A pretext to assemble the nobility was a celebration dedicated to honour the rulers of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Russia. Russian officers also demonstrated signs of respect to the loyal high standing officials of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. They also tried to earn favour of the wider public through events of mass entertainment, e. g. the carnivals were made open to the citizens from various strata. The public could be rallied to watch show exercises of the Russian army, which was a spectacle for the curious citizens from lower social strata, and for the higher level citizens it was an opportunity to strengthen ties that could ensure their future privileges. Multiple festivities organized by the Russian officers were implemented with propaganda objectives in mind. Through such spectacular and luxury events they tried to demonstrate power and their decorations usually repeated motifs of the glorification of the Court of Catherine II. Celebrations, their decorations, occasional literature were some of the tools aimed at supporting the patronage of Russia. Existing sources on everyday life do not permit speaking about the moral side of the relationship with the Russian officers. Most likely, the start of the Four-Year Sejm, when the aim to strengthen the statehood was expressed in clearer terms, collaboration with the foreign power was not considered treason and condemned. Keywords: Vilnius, Russian army, everyday life, festivities, spectacles.

The relationship of magnates and the szlachta of the Great Principality/Grand Duchy of Lithuania with Russia in 1733

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
А.В. Мацук
Keyword(s):  
Free Choice ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Grand Duchy

В статье исследуются события бескоролевья 1733 г. в Речи Посполитой. Согласно «трактату Левенвольде» компромиссным кандидатом на избрание монархом Речи Посполитой был португальский инфант дон Мануэль, которого предложила Австрия. Россия больше склонялась к кандидатуре «пяста». Россия оказалась не подготовленной к началу бескоролевья. Бывшие российские союзники магнаты ВКЛ рассорились с российским послом Фридрихом Казимиром Левенвольде и перешли на сторону Франции. В конце февраля 1733 г. в ВКЛ направили Юрия Ливена, который от имени российской царицы предложил поддержку в получении короны Михаилу Вишневецкому и Павлу Сангушке. Принятое на конвокационном сейме решение об избрании королем «пяста» и католика показало популярность Станислава Лещинского. В результате вслед за Австрией Россия поддержала кандидатом на корону Фридриха Августа. Магнаты ВКЛ до последнего оставались конкурентами о короне. Оппозиция Лещинскому объединилась под лозунгом защиты «вольного выбора» и поэтому в ней остались кандидаты «пясты», которые не могли уступить друг другу, и согласились на компромисс – кандидатуру Фридриха Августа. Для противодействия возможному избранию Лещинского Россия создала в ВКЛ новоградскую конфедерацию. Ее организатором стал новоградский воевода Николай Фаустин Радзивилл. Эта конфедерация становится основой Генеральной Варшавской конфедерации, которая 5 октября 1733 г. избирает королем саксонского курфюрста. The article examines the events of the «kingless» year of 1733 in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. According to the Levenwolde Treaties the compromise candidate for the Commonwealth’s throne was the Portuguese Infante Don Manuel, who’s candidacy was proposed by Austria. Russia, in turn, leaned towards the «pyasta» candidate. The Russian Empire was clearly unprepared for the start of the kingless period. Russia’s former allies – magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania – came into conflict with the Russian ambassador Frederick Kazimir Levenwolde and sided with France. In late February of 1733, Empress Anna Ioanovna of Russia sent Yuri Liven to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, who offered official support in the struggle for the crown to Mikhail Vishnevetsky and Pavel Sangushka. The electoral decision made at the Sejm proved the popularity of the «pyast» and Catholic candidates, specifically – Stanislaus Leschinsky. In turn, Russia – following Austria – showed its support for the candidacy of Frederick August. The magnates of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania remained in opposition in the crown issue until the very last. Opposition to Leschinsky was united under the motto of «free choice». For that reason, it was comprised of «pyasta» candidates, who were in a deadlock with one another, and were now ready for the compromise candidacy of Frederick Augustus. In order to counter the possible election of Leschinsky, Russia created the Novograd Confederation in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. It was organized by the Novograd Voevoda Faustin Radzivill. This confederation became the core of the General Warsaw Confederation that – on October 5th 1733 – elected the Saxon King to the throne of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.

scholarly journals Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)

2017 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 156-174
Author(s):  
Dangiras Mačiulis
Keyword(s):  
Negative Evaluation ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Public Figures ◽  
National Movement ◽  
Polish Society ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
Grand Duchy

The images of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland in Lithuanian collective memory (end of the 19th c. – 1940)Since the end of the 19th century the Lithuanian national movement created several narrations about national history, which presented a negative evaluation of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland. Polonization of Lithuania was highlighted as the most negative consequence of these Unions.All unions formed under the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Union of the Kingdom of Poland got negative evaluation in the discourse of Lithuanian nationalism. However, the Union of Lublin was considered to be the greatest harm – it was evaluated as a fatal moment in the Lithuanian history giving rise to the processes of dangerous Lithuanian national ethnic identity loss. The Lithuanian national movement proclaimed cultural and political independence, and declared that the revival of historical ideal of the Unions’ national identity was unacceptable for the Lithuanian nation.When discussing the Lithuanians’ rights to political independence with the Polish public figures and reacting to ambitions of the Polish political figures to restore Poland with the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth national borders of 1772, in the Lithuanian press the image of two Unions (usually, the Union of Lublin) was presented as the symbol underlying the Lithuanian national political and cultural dependence. The image of the Union of Lublin was like an obligatory illustration of the Lithuanian nationalism discourse underlining the negative consequences of the union for the Lithuanian nation. It was the Union of Lublin that became the generalized image of all unions and the symbol of Lithuanian political, ethnic, cultural dependence, the memory location underlying the traumatic memory.The initiatives of the Polish public figures to actualize the memories about the unions caused the Lithuanians’ negative response and numerous discussions. A similar situation happened in 1913 when the Polish society mentioned the 500th anniversary of the Herald Union. The celebration of this anniversary was evaluated by Lithuanians as a Polish attempt to revive the political union ideal – as an attempt to make Lithuania a part of Poland. The debates of those times were used by the public figures of the Lithuanian national movement in order to emphasize the orientation of the Lithuanian national movement towards the cultural and political emancipation and underline that the Lithuanians do not accept any idea of state revival reasoned by historical unions.The image of unions in the interwar Lithuania of the 20th century was the most vivid in propagandist discourse during the fights for Lithuanian independence and when trying to restore the historical capital, Vilnius. This image was used as a rhetoric figure of propagandist discourse symbolizing the Lithuanian slavery and a threat of its dependence on Poland.  Obrazy unii między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim a Królestwem Polskim w litewskiej pamięci zbiorowej (koniec XIX w. – 1940 r.)Od końca XIX w. litewski ruch narodowy tworzył narracje historyczne, w których unie między Wielkim Księstwem Litewskim (dalej WKL) a Królestwem Polskim oceniano negatywnie. Za największy negatywny skutek unii uznano polonizację Litwy.W litewskim dyskursie nacjonalistycznym negatywnie oceniono wszystkie unie zawarte między WKL a Królestwem Polskim, jednak jako największe zło traktowano unię lubelską – decydujący punkt w historii Litwy, od którego rozpoczął się groźny proces utraty tożsamości przez naród litewski. Litewski ruch narodowy głosił dążenie do wolności kulturowej i politycznej. Towarzyszyła temu deklaracja, że dla narodu litewskiego nie do przyjęcia jest odrodzenie historycznej unijnej idei państwowości.W toczącej się w prasie litewskiej dyskusji z polskimi działaczami społecznymi o prawach Litwinów do samodzielności politycznej oraz w reakcji na ambicje polskich działaczy społecznych przywrócenia państwowości Polski w granicach Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów z 1772 r., obraz unii (najczęściej lubelskiej) pojawiał się jako symbol zależności politycznej i kulturowej narodu litewskiego. Wizja unii lubelskiej była obowiązkową ilustracją litewskiego dyskursu nacjonalistycznego, świadczącą o negatywnych skutkach unii dla Litwinów. To właśnie unia lubelska stała się uogólnionym obrazem wszystkich unii oraz symbolem niewoli politycznej, narodowej i kulturowej Litwinów, traumatycznym miejscem pamięci.Inicjatywy polskich działaczy, by przywrócić pamięć o uniach, wywoływały negatywną reakcję ze strony Litwinów i rodziły dyskusje. Tak się stało, na przykład, w 1913 r., gdy polskie społeczeństwo obchodziło jubileusz 500. rocznicy unii horodelskiej. Obchody te oceniono jako próbę Polaków ożywienia idei unii politycznej – dążenie do uczynienia z Litwy części Polski. Ówczesne dyskusje działacze litewskiego ruchu narodowego wykorzystali do tego, by podkreślić swoje dążenie do emancypacji kulturowej i politycznej oraz zaznaczenia, że Litwini nie akceptują żadnej idei odrodzenia państwowości, opartej na uniach historycznych.W okresie międzywojennym na Litwie obraz unii najbardziej był dostrzegalny w dyskursie propagandowym w okresie walk o niepodległość Litwy oraz w dążeniu do odzyskania historycznej stolicy Wilna. Obraz ten wykorzystano jako figurę retoryczną dyskursu propagandowego, symbolizującą niewolę Litwy i jej uzależnienie od Polski.

Under the mask of collaboration: conflicts between Russian forces and pro-Russian confederations in the Great Principality/Grand Duchy of Lithuania in 1792–1793

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
В.В. Аниперков
Keyword(s):  
Local Level ◽  
Local Population ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Russian Army ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Russian Military ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
The Given ◽  
The Relationship

Исследуется период Тарговицкой конфедерации (1792–1793). Данное шляхетское объединение Польской Короны (с организацией аналогичных конфедераций на территории Великого княжества Литовского) было создано по инициативе и в интересах Российской империи, с целью восстановления её политического влияния в Речи Посполитой. При поддержке российских войск конфедератам были переданы временные полномочия государственной власти, им также принадлежала роль посреднических институтов в отношениях местного населения с военными отделами Российской империи. Оспаривается распространенное в историографии мнение об исключительно дружественном характере отношений между участниками конфедерации и представителями российской армии. Приводятся примеры многочисленных конфликтов конфедератов с российскими военными на центральном (между региментарием конфедерации (гетманом) Ш. Коссаковским и генерал-аншефом российских войск М. Н. Кречетниковым) и местном уровнях (в отдельных воеводствах и поветах между региональными конфедерациями и подразделениями российской армии). The subject of the paper is the Targovitzy Confederation (1792–1793). This particular szlachta union of the Polish Crown (which had analogous communities forming on the territory of the Great Duchy of Lithuania) was created at the initiative and in the direct interests of the Russian Empire, having the ultimate goal of restoring Russia’s political influence in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. With Russian support, the Confederates were able to secure provisional state authority, becoming the mediators between the local population and the Russian Imperial military departments. The perception that the relationship between the Confederation and the Russian Army was exclusively friendly, which is so popular in historiography, is critically re-examined in the given article. There are numerous examples of conflicts between the Confederates and the Russian military on a central (between the Regimentary/Hetman Sh. Kossakovsky and General-Anchef M.N. Krechetnikov) and on a local level (in certain voevodstvo districts, and between the regional confederations and the Russian Army).

The Germans and their Jewish Neighbors on the Ukrainian Areas at the Second Half of the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
pp. 17-27
Author(s):  
D. Meshkov
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Criminal Cases ◽  
South West ◽  
Multiethnic Population ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Relationship

The article presents some of the author’s research results that has got while elaboration of the theme “Everyday life in the mirror of conflicts: Germans and their neighbors on the Southern and South-West periphery of the Russian Empire 1861–1914”. The relationship between Germans and Jews is studied in the context of the growing confrontation in Southern cities that resulted in a wave of pogroms. Sources are information provided by the police and court archival funds. The German colonists Ludwig Koenig and Alexandra Kirchner (the resident of Odessa) were involved into Odessa pogrom (1871), in particular. While Koenig with other rioters was arrested by the police, Kirchner led a crowd of rioters to the shop of her Jewish neighbor, whom she had a conflict with. The second part of the article is devoted to the analyses of unty-Jewish violence causes and history in Ak-Kerman at the second half of the 19th and early years of 20th centuries. Akkerman was one of the southern Bessarabia cities, where multiethnic population, including the Jews, grew rapidly. It was one of the reasons of the pogroms in 1865 and 1905. The author uses criminal cases` papers to analyze the reasons of the Germans participation in the civilian squads that had been organized to protect the population and their property in Ackerman and Shabo in 1905.

scholarly journals Transformation of Dominican Architectural Heritage in the Years of Tsarist Russian Occupation

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-34
Author(s):  
Žygimantas Buržinskas ◽  
Vytautas Levandauskas
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Architectural Heritage ◽  
Historical Sources ◽  
Russian Government ◽  
Church Organization ◽  
Dominican Order ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
Grand Duchy

SummaryThis article presents the heritage of the Dominican Order, which underwent the biggest transformation and destruction in Lithuania during the occupation by tsarist Russia. After the uprisings against the tsarist Russian government in the region in 1831 and 1863–1864, a Russification policy began, primarily targeted against the Catholic Church organization. The Dominican Order, which renewed its activities and had been purposefully operating in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania since the beginning of the 16th century, was liquidated during the occupation by tsarist Russia. This article studies the original appearances of Aukštadvaris, Kaunas, Merkinė and Paparčiai monasteries, which were most affected by reconstruction and demolition works during the Russian occupation, and reconstructions of their original appearance are presented. The architectural expression of all the monasteries in question suffered the most after the uprising in 1863–1864. In Aukštadvaris and Kaunas old convent churches were reconstructed into Orthodox churches by changing their old architecture, destroying individual elements of the building volume and decoration. Russian-Neo-Byzantine style promoted in the Russian Empire emerged in this context. The buildings of Merkinė and Paparčiai monasteries were completely demolished. Based on the iconographic material, especially the drawings and plans of the buildings made before the reconstruction or demolition works as well as visitations of the monasteries and material of other historical sources, the visualizations of the Aukštadvaris, Kaunas and Merkinė monastery complexes were prepared using modern means.

scholarly journals Colando fragmentos do mundo da vida social: recortes do cotidiano de camponeses do baixo tocantins paraense

ILUMINURAS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (57) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vitória Mendes Alves ◽  
Israel Martins Araujo
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Environmental Indicators ◽  
Life World ◽  
Daily Work ◽  
Sensory Ethnography ◽  
The Everyday ◽  
The World ◽  
Technical Learning ◽  
The Relationship

Este ensaio visual trata do mundo da vida cotidiana de camponeses agroextrativistas no Pará, especificamente no baixo Tocantins, região das ilhas do município de Mocajuba. Segue o método da etnografia sensorial, discute a relação entre corpo, ambiente e formas de aprendizagem técnica com a virtuosidade dos indicadores socioambientais e argumenta que tais técnicas não são transmitidas, mas ensinadas e aprendidas por meio de um complexo engajamento sensorial com o ambiente.Palavras-chave: Camponeses agroextrativistas. Cotidiano. Trabalho. Etnografia Sensorial. Corpo. Ambiente.  Glueing fragments of the world of life: cuttings from the daily life of peasants from downtown Tocantins paraense Abstract: This visual essay deals with the respect of the everyday life world of agro-extractivist peasants in Pará, specifically in the lower Tocantins, region of the islands of the municipality of Mocajuba. It follows the method of sensory ethnography, discusses the relationship between body, environment and forms of technical learning with the virtuosity of socio-environmental indicators and argues that such techniques are not transmitted, but taught and learned through a complex sensory engagement with the environmentKeywords: Agroextractive peasants. Daily. Work. Sensory Ethnography. Body. Environment.

Modes of engagement with the future in everyday life

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 681-703
Author(s):  
Giuliana Mandich
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Empirical Analysis ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Public Domain ◽  
The Public ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Different Types ◽  
The Future ◽  
Modes Of Engagement

This paper is aimed at understanding how we engage with the future in different ways in everyday life. Many empirical studies have emphasised that what we usually call ‘imagination’ of the future takes diverse forms and meanings. Varied narratives of the future that are possible coexist in daily life in a bumpy, semi-conscious and occasionally tense dialogue with one another. To understand this variation of narratives, a thorough exploration of the different modes of engaging with the future that various forms of agency bring into play is required, together with a sensitive empirical analysis. I use Thévenot’s theory of regimes of engagement as a starting point to at least partially explain this variety. Thévenot’s idea that different types of individual involvement in relation to different definitions of the relevant reality (e.g. familiarity, plans and the public domain of justification and exploration) contain interesting implications for the analysis of what I define as modes of engagement with the future. As involved as we are with social reality through specific formats, so are we with the future. As the ‘relevant reality’ is different according to the regime of engagement that we are involved in, the nature of anticipation also varies. The future is ‘made and measured’ within the logic of probability in the regime of plans; of possibility in the regime of justification; of practical anticipation in the regime of familiarity; and of discovery in the regime of exploration. This perspective helps to avoid a reification of the future as something that is ‘there’ and that we simply discover and avoids easy dichotomisation of forms of anticipation of the future as realistic or unrealistic.

PROPERTY STATUS OF SANHUSHKO’ PRINCELY SORT IN XVI–XVIII CENTURIES

2019 ◽  
pp. 33-36
Author(s):  
Veronika Rudiuk
Keyword(s):  
Economic Status ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Financial Status ◽  
Socio Economic Status ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
Grand Duchy

The article, based on a representative database of sources, presents an assessment of the socio-economic status of Sangushkо princes during the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Russian Empire, identifies changes in the financial status of representatives of the genus over three centuries.

scholarly journals Codzienność w kryzysie

2010 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-47
Author(s):  
Łukasz Rogowski ◽  
Radosław Skrobacki ◽  
Dorota Mroczkowska
Keyword(s):  
Everyday Life ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Large Degree ◽  
Social Practices ◽  
Social Consequences ◽  
The Social ◽  
New Meanings ◽  
The Relationship

The aim of this article is to demonstrate the relationship between everyday life and special conditions seen in the context of the concept of crisis. The authors define everyday life and special conditions as two opposing ways of experiencing social life, but their differentiation does not depend on their content but rather on form and manner of their perception/realisation in everyday life. This differentiation is described on the basis of the example of the concept of crisis, understood as the breakdown of everyday life and the consequent creation of special conditions. Based on contemporary examples, concerning to a large degree the social consequences of the breakdown of the economy, the authors represent crisis as a moment of renegotiating the principles of social life, the disruption of the routines and habits of everyday life and the transition into the unpredictability and reflexivity of social practices which characterize such special conditions. Attention is paid in particular to the concept of power, which takes on new meanings in the sociology of everyday life, differing from its institutional meaning, closer rather to “everyday power” which is realised in the framework of direct interactions in daily life.

scholarly journals About Seraph’s arrow and St. Michael’s shield. A poem by priest Dominik Zabłocki OP for Countess Teresa Barbara Radziwill Pac on the occasion of her name day

2021 ◽  
pp. 52-64
Author(s):  
Regina Jakubėnas
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Grand Duchy Of Lithuania ◽  
Intensive Development ◽  
Grand Duchy ◽  
Male Lineage

In the second half of the eighteenth century a lot of occasional poems were published in Vilnius. Their authors were often representatives of various orders: the Piarists, the Jesuits, the Basilians, the Dominicans. Name day poems enjoyed great popularity, which was influenced by the intensive development of various forms of social life. Name day poems were part of “home muse” or family poetry. The authors often addressed their works to representatives of the political and official elite of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, who played an important role in the public and political life of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The poems were more often devoted to the representatives of the male lineage due to their social status and functions, although it happened that women, especially representatives of influential families in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, were also the recipients of these poems. The article discusses an occasional work by a priest Dominik Zabłocki, Dominican friar, devoted to Countess Teresa Barbara Pacowa of the Dukes of Radziwills – a lady of the Austrian Order of the Starry Cross. The poem describes her personal merits, the merits of her husband and family, referring to the rich symbolism of the coat of arms of the Pac, the Radziwill and the Zawisza families from which Teresa Pacowa’s mother was descended. This piece of work undoubtedly belongs to the group of texts that were addressed to a wider audience and performed a political and propaganda function.

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