scholarly journals Features of financing NATO's armed forces

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (26) ◽  
pp. 117-124
Author(s):  
Nataliia Tkachenko ◽  
Petro Kurmaiev ◽  
Liudmyla Seliverstova ◽  
Maria Pozhydaeva

The aim of the article is to investigate the peculiarities of financing NATO's armed forces. The following methods were used in the study process: comparative analysis method, correlation analysis, content analysis. The current state of defense financing in the world and in NATO countries has been clarified. Sources of funding for civilian and military budgets and NATO security investment programs are highlighted. The civilian budget covers staff costs, operational costs, capital expenditures and expenses for the International Secretariat's programs at NATO Headquarters. The military budget covers the costs of operating and maintaining the structure of NATO military management bodies. The procedure for the payment of direct and indirect contributions to NATO content by the Allies is disclosed. The tasks of the bodies responsible for financial control over the formation and use of NATO finances are described: the North Atlantic Council, the Resource Policy and Planning Council, the Budget Committee, the Investment Committee, the NATO Independent International Audit Board. Shares of financing of civilian and military budgets, as well as NATO programs by NATO member countries, the ratio of defense expenditures to GDP in NATO countries, the share of capital expenditures in the structure of defense expenditures of NATO countries are analyzed. The volumes and structure of defense financing expenditures in Ukraine are compared with NATO countries. It is revealed that during 2014-2018 Ukraine significantly increased the amount of defense financing, at the same time the share of capital expenditures in the structure of defense spending in Ukraine remains insignificant. It is proposed to increase the share of expenditures on military investments and innovations, purchase of armaments and military equipment, construction of military facilities and, at the same time, limit the share of current expenditures on the maintenance of the armed forces.

2021 ◽  
pp. 450-465
Author(s):  
Sergey Popko

Summary. The purpose of this study is to analyze the general tendencies of military-technical cooperation of Ukraine with NATO at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries. The research methodology is based on the use of historical-comparative method and methods of analysis, synthesis and generalization. The scientific novelty. It was noted that the leaders of our country considered the North Atlantic Alliance as the most effective structure of collective security in Europe and the main goal of military-technical cooperation was to ensure national interests and security, equipping the Armed Forces and other military formations with modern weapon and military equipment, development of the export potential of the military-industrial complex, increase of the scientific-technical and technological potential of the defence industry of Ukraine. Conclusions. The legislative and normative-legal acts that laid the foundation of military-technical cooperation between Ukraine and NATO are outlined, including the Decree of the President of Ukraine "On measures to improve military-technical cooperation of Ukraine with foreign countries" (1999), the "Decree of the President of Ukraine delimitation of powers of central executive bodies in the field of military-technical cooperation with foreign states" (2002), the Concept of military-technical cooperation of Ukraine with foreign states for the period up to 2010 (2003). It is emphasized that the main problems of military-technical cooperation of Ukraine with foreign states in the period under study were the uncertainty of the state’s defence policy and imperfect public administration.


2021 ◽  
Vol 255 ◽  
pp. 01032
Author(s):  
Denys Lisovenko ◽  
Nadiia Burdeina ◽  
Oleksandr Fedchenko ◽  
Stanislav Nikul ◽  
Viacheslav Holovan

The study is devoted to the problem of financial regulation of the defense industry and the provision of troops, as the escalation of the military conflict in eastern Ukraine has revealed shortcomings in this area. A comparative analysis of NATO and Ukraine’s defense spending was conducted and differences in the cost structure were identified. The tendency of Ukraine’s defense spending to gradually approach the structure of NATO defense spending is pointed out, but the insufficient level of this approach is also taken into account. The analysis allowed to identify problematic issues and inconsistencies in the financial regulation of the defense industry. The state of export of defense equipment and technologies as a possible source of financing of defense enterprises is analyzed. The existence of two opposite trends in the financial regulation of military logistics has been identified: both an increase in funding in absolute terms and a reduction in the share of the total amount for the implementation of the unified logistics system of the State Armed Forces Development Program. The developed mathematical model of supply of military units is suitable for use in information systems of logistical support of troops.


normally only gradually, and this situation is not universally the case. There is growing understanding of the need for security arrangements which underpin the economic and political co-operation whose value is so clear to most decision-makers. Those who wish to see greater co-operation from the Latin American states in the non-proliferation and arms control fields should attempt to understand these phenomena and make a greater effort to bring the Latin Americans along. The North can help a great deal in educating key members of the civilian elites in these countries about defence matters. This would go a long way to easing some of the issues of civil-military relations mentioned. Showing more transparency ourselves in the working of arms control groupings can help to reduce concerns in these countries about their ability to resist excessive northern pressures if they accept the objectives sought by those countries in such groups. Working with nascent but interested elements of civil society, from universities and research centres for example can help to build the constituency for these objectives in key countries. And efforts to show the military that collaboration does not necessarily mean the end of a legitimate degree of armed forces influence in the security area and more widely in foreign policy, and that arms control does not necessarily imply ruin for them and their families, need to be made and indeed should be more closely studied in order to address these real concerns. There is thus a good deal which can be done. But culture remains formative and vital to states and individuals. These societies are the result of a lived historic experience and only an understanding of the very real security concerns they have will allow us to obtain more support from them in security fields which are, as in the past, still offering great challenges globally and regionally.

2012 ◽  
pp. 193-196

Author(s):  
Maiah Jaskoski

Under Ecuador’s “third wave” democracy that began in 1979, the armed forces have exhibited considerable autonomy vis-à-vis civilians in government, as measured by (a) military intervention in politics and (b) the armed forces’ spread into internal security. Perhaps most noteworthy, military participation in politics and internal security increased significantly during the second half of the 1990s, in a permissive environment: as a result of their rule in the 1970s, the armed forces enjoyed a positive reputation within society as an institution capable of getting things done, without committing human rights abuses. Within that context, a traumatic military role crisis prompted the armed forces to expand their political and internal security roles. The armed forces lost their traditional mission of defending Ecuador’s southern border against Peru in the late 1990s, due to the resolution of that border dispute. In its search for institutional justification, the military proactively intensified its participation in politics and internal security. That extensive internal security work not only served as an indicator of military autonomy vis-à-vis civilians but it also made the armed forces ineffective and unreliable in responding to the civilian government’s basic national defense requirements, as evinced by the military’s response to a new sovereignty threat. When Colombian guerrilla crossings into northern Ecuador became a salient border threat in the 2000s, the armed forces focused on internal security in the north and not border defense.


2019 ◽  
pp. 829-836
Author(s):  

This study reveals the research principles of the results of the management of the Ukrainian military administration of the strategic (operative) level in the course of organizational issues evaluation during state defense system forming as well as building and development security and defense components, particularly the Armed Forces of the Ukraine. This principles structure defines the subject, the object and the parties, the basic tasks of the military legal expertise, guidelines for legal expert (board of legal experts) in the course of evaluation of the military administration management activity in the course of reforming and development of the Armed Forces, as well as during the course of planning and conducting military operations (battle actions) of the military units (forces). Developed principles also refer to the following researches: cause and effect relationship of the breach of legislation of the Armed Forces of the Ukraine and other legal military and law enforcement units administrations officials, which led to negative consequences such as people deaths, loss of weapons and military equipment in the course of military operation. Key words: level of state defense, evaluation of managerial decisions, officials.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Zaikivskyi ◽  
Oleksandr Onistrat

Keywords: defense capability, intellectual property, regulatory support The conceptual issues of the legislation of Ukraine,which determine the state policy in the field of national security and defence, regardingthe settlement of issues related to ensuring the state defence capabilities are considered.The scientific publications on actual questions in this sphere concerningproblems and prospects of increase of defence capability of Ukraine are analysed.The role of intellectual property in all components of Ukraine's defence system hasbeen studied, and it has been noted that unresolved problems in the field of intellectualproperty management pose an increasing threat to Ukraine's national security.The importance of ensuring the protection of intellectual property in the process ofimplementing measures to improve the defence capabilities of the state and the needto improve legislation in this area is defined. Recommendations for improving the regulatory framework for national securityand defence in order to address the problematic issues of intellectual property in thisarea are submitted.State defence capability is the ability of state to defend itself in the event of armedaggression or armed conflict. It consists of material and immaterial elements and is aset of military, economic, social and moral and political potential in the field of defenceand appropriate conditions for its implementation.Resolving the issues of reforming not only the Armed Forces of Ukraine, but firstthe entire state, modernization and rearmament of the Ukrainian army has become avital necessity. Only the solution of this issue will allow to raise the defence capabilityof our state to the proper level for the preservation of independent Ukraine.Ensuring the military security of Ukraine largely depends on equipping the ArmedForces of Ukraine with modern types and models of weapons and military equipment,developed on the basis of intellectual property rights.It is the military-technical sphere where the objects of intellectual property rightsbelonging to the sphere of national security and defence are created, and the state isobliged to ensure their protection. This will increase the competitiveness of the domesticdefence industry and make claims impossible for anyone in the mass productionof weapons and military equipment for their own needs and for exports, which directlyaffects defence capabilities.And this requires proper protection of intellectual property rights both in theprocess of own production of weapons and military equipment, as well as in militarytechnicalcooperation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco Villamil ◽  
Stuart James Turnbull-Dugarte ◽  
José Rama

Literature on the determinants of far-right support has increased markedlyduring the last few years, expanding our knowledge on who votes for these par-ties. Little is known, however, about the relationship being a member of the mil-itary and voting for the far-right. Recent scandals within the armed forces ofsome developed democracies underscore this gap. In this paper, we argue thatthere is an ideological affinity between the military and far-right parties based onshared values over nationalism and authoritarianism. We use two distinct empir-ical strategies to test this argument in Spain. First, we pool together data fromseveral survey rounds to show that individual military personnel are significantlymore prone to support Spain’s new populist radical right-wing party, VOX. Sec-ond, we show that the location of military facilities across Spain is linked to highersupport for VOX. Using spatial statistics, we show evidence of a diffusion effect.Our findings are relevant to both the literature on far-right support and our knowl-edge of civil-military relationships.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
Bogusław Jagusiak ◽  
Agata Jagiello-Tondera

The English language has become the lingua franca of the contemporary world; a global language. The process of globalisation has also influenced the increasing demand for learning English. The demand involves not only general language but also language for specific purposes, including language of the military environment, Military English. English has also become the language of interoperability in NATO. The North Atlantic Alliance has always paid particular attention to the knowledge of foreign languages, which was expressed, among others, by the establishment of the BILC International Language Coordination Office and the development of language standards applicable to all Member States, STANAG 6001. Language education in the armed forces in Poland follows the Alliance’s guidelines. The correct use of military language and its understanding creates a successful administrative and operational military environment. On account of appropriate application of terminology, potential misunderstandings or misinterpretations of military activities can be avoided. Language education is one of the elements of language policy in the field of security.


Neophilology ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 327-336
Author(s):  
Nadezhda A. RODINA

In modern national linguistics there is a set of works devoted to the description of language personalities of representatives of certain professions. However, in the last decades due to the increase of interest in the military sphere names of cadets, soldiers and officers are in the researchers’ attention centre. We also analyze names of objects of a material environment, it allows to conduct fully studying of language personality of the representative of the Armed Forces of Russian Federation as the ratio of motifs and ways of the nomination will allow to reveal features of the language personality of Russian personnel in mediated communication. We analyze the motivation features of the official names of the Russian military equipment and armor. We consider chrematonyms in terms of their belonging to humorous means of communication in military sphere. We prove application of humorous names by specifics of national character of the Russian personnel. Material of article is the corpus in the form of the glossary in the Internet and also results of the military personnel survey. The new empirical material introduction for scientific use allows to make objective and reliable conclusions on the nature of the humorous nomination in the sphere of military equipment and armor. Research material can be used both in military education, and in an elective course of onomastics in civil university.


1954 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-408

CouncilThe twelfth session of the Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization was held in Paris, December 14 to 16, 1953, under the chairmanship of French Foreign Minister Bidault. Prior to the opening of the Council session, the permanent representatives of the NATO members and the Military Committee held a series of meetings in Paris preparing the annual review of the military situation of NATO and estimates and recommendations for future action. According to information appearing in the press, the military experts of NATO did not emphasize in this report, as they had done in the past, the need or desirability of numerical increases in NATO armed forces; instead, they were reported to emphasize the need for improving the quality, maintenance, and supplies of existing forces. At a press conference on December 11, Admiral Qvistgaard (Denmark), Chairman of the Military Committee, said that the committee was “satisfied” with the military progress of NATO in 1953 and that force goals set at the April 1953 meeting of the NATO Council had been “substantially achieved”. The Committee shared the view, however, of the Supreme Commander, Allied Forces, Europe (SACEUR, Gruenther) that the Supreme Command (SCAP) was deficient in airpower. In analyzing current Soviet strength, Admiral Qvistgaard said that the Committee saw no sign of a slackening of Soviet strength. Studies on the effect of atomic weapons on NATO defense plans were not yet completed, the Admiral continued. He added that it was the view of the Committee that NATO had nearly reached a state of preparedness which represented what most countries considered their maximum effort.


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