Language education in the security system of the Republic of Poland

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (10) ◽  
pp. 147-168
Author(s):  
Bogusław Jagusiak ◽  
Agata Jagiello-Tondera

The English language has become the lingua franca of the contemporary world; a global language. The process of globalisation has also influenced the increasing demand for learning English. The demand involves not only general language but also language for specific purposes, including language of the military environment, Military English. English has also become the language of interoperability in NATO. The North Atlantic Alliance has always paid particular attention to the knowledge of foreign languages, which was expressed, among others, by the establishment of the BILC International Language Coordination Office and the development of language standards applicable to all Member States, STANAG 6001. Language education in the armed forces in Poland follows the Alliance’s guidelines. The correct use of military language and its understanding creates a successful administrative and operational military environment. On account of appropriate application of terminology, potential misunderstandings or misinterpretations of military activities can be avoided. Language education is one of the elements of language policy in the field of security.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Irmina Denysiuk

Nowadays, there are a lot of dangers, not only those related to the military. Particular attention should be paid to the threat of guerrilla activity. Therefore, the aim of this article is to indicate the essence of contemporary guerrilla operations in conflicts, and their methods of operation that allow them to achieve their goals. It was also assumed that the modern crisis response operations, and especially COIN (counterinsurgency) operations, constitute a comprehensive approach to counteracting guerrilla activity. This article uses theoretical methods. Using the analysis and synthesis of materials and studies, the most important conclusions were pointed out. The leading role in prevention insurgency activities lies with the United Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and their crisis response operations. In the Strategic Concept NATO 2010 specialists are putting more attention to conducting counterinsurgency operations (COIN). COIN operations are nowadays the most comprehensive tool for combating guerrilla activity, which mainly hits the civilian population. The concepts of using the assumptions of anti-Partisan operations should be implemented on a full scale, including in the armed forces of the Republic of Poland. Particular attention should be paid to the threat of the guerrilla activity in conflicts. These problems are complex and they deal with many aspects (social, economic, cultural, political and many others). Moreover the partisans activities are irregular and they are often targeted at civilians. This article indicates the methods and techniques used by insurgents in the fight against the state / government. Reference has also been made to the activities that inhibit their activity - complex counterinsurgency operations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (10) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Gülşən Bahadur qızı Kərimova ◽  
◽  
Şəhla Zahid qızı Səfərova ◽  

Globalization is a process of global economic, political and cultural integration and unification. English is the universal language of the world, and is of great importance for world communication, trade, industry, and diplomatic relations.The modern development of language education is directly dependent on the world linguistic processes that cover the unprecedented development of the English language. Analysis and synthesis of various relations in the English language system is the most important condition for the successful mastering of English as a global language-macro mediator. Key words: globalization, desire to unite, global language, English language projects, linguistic processes, diplomatic relations, language elements


2008 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ena Lee

While the commodification of English as a global language may give rise to varying degrees of political and economic benefits for language learners, a simultaneous “cost” of this return may be a continued perpetuation of various forms of hegemony. In this vein, this one-year case study investigated a Canadian post-secondary English as a Second Language (ESL) program that analyzed the interconnections between language and culture through a critical dialogic approach. Classroom observations, however, revealed that disjunctions existed between the pedagogy as it was conceptualized and the practices of the instructors teaching there and suggested that the “critical” discourses mediated within the language classrooms essentialized culture and, subsequently, the identities of the students. This paper presents the voices of students from Mainland China as they attempted to negotiate their local and global identities within the larger sociopolitical contexts of the English language, generally, and English language education, in particular. I argue that classroom discourses can (re)create subordinate student identities, thereby limiting their access not only to language-learning opportunities, but to other more powerful identities. This paper thus highlights how ESL pedagogies and practices might address and contest hegemonic discourses and concomitantly reimagine student identities in more emancipatory ways.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (22) ◽  
pp. 66-73
Author(s):  
Mahfutt Mahfutt ◽  
Khairil Anwar ◽  
Billi Belladona Matindas

The position of the Military Court is a body that executes the judicial power in the circle of the Indonesian National Armed Forces to enforce the law and justice with due observance of the interest in the state defense and safety. The Military Court is authorized to try the crimes committed by someone who when committing such crime is a soldier of the Indonesian National Armed Forces, a member of a group or office or body or equal to a soldier pursuant to the Law and someone is not included in the said group as set forth in the Law Number 31 of 1997 on Military Court. Following the reform of 1988, the existence of the Military Court is developed by some activists and the public that observe the Military Court, insisting the Parliament of the Republic of Indonesia to revise Law Number 31 of 1997 on Military Court, with the focus point for a soldier of the Indonesian National Armed Forces who commits a general crime to be tried in the General Court with the reason that the Military Court practice is closed in nature, and another reason is the equalization of rights before the law. The method used in this research is the normative law research that is carried out to obtain the necessary data relating to the problem. The data used is secondary data consisting of primary law materials, secondary law materials, and tertiary law materials. In addition, primary data is also used as the support of the secondary data law materials. The data is analyzed by the qualitative juridical analysis method. The results of the research show that the Military Court is one of the mechanisms that are always tried to be maintained. The outcome from the research discovers that the role of the Martial Court in Indonesia remains effective, fair, and democratic to this date realistically marked by fair punishment within the jurisdiction offended, which corresponds to the need of TNI institution in the aspects of Culture, Benefit, Assurance, and Fairness. It is recommended that the RI Government continuously develop and improve the same by maintaining the role of the Martial Court in punishing criminal offenses committed by military members on the Martial Court system currently in force.


Author(s):  
J. Chernykh ◽  
O. Chernykh

Analysis of the foreign experience of the organisation and reformation of the armed forces in other countries, with the respective systems of military education being an integral part, reveals the specific national aspect of such activities in each country. In the meantime, there are some general methodological approaches used in military pedagogic practice across different countries of the world to be practicably considered and applied. The article examines the experience of officers’ training for the armed forces of the Republic of Hungary. The article provides information on the existing network of military educational institutions for the officer training of tactical, operational and strategic level of military command. Requirements for admission to military educational institutions for the officer training of different levels of training has been given. The terms of military specialists’ training on tactical, operational and strategic level have been defined. The analysis of the content of officer training for different armed services of the armed forces and different levels of military administration has been conducted. We used the system of the general scientific methods of theoretical and empirical research, in particular, the theoretical-methodological analysis of the problem and the relevant scholarly resources, systematization and generalization of the scientific information pertaining to the essence and content of the set objectives, monitoring of the existing system of military specialists training in the Armed Forces of the republic of Hungary, scientific generalisation, the general scientific methods of logical and comparative analysis, systems approach, peer review, analysis and interpretation of the obtained theoretical and empirical data. The general structure of the National University of Public Administration, the Faculty of Military Sciences and the training of officers is shown, as well as the main tasks that are solved by the institutes and training centers that are part of it are identified. An analysis of the concept, structure, goals, content and technologies of officers’ training in the armed forces of the Republic of Hungary shows that the military education system reflects the current stage of development of the armed forces, as well as the national cultural specificity of the country. Education and training of officers is carried out on the basis of national cultural and military tradition. The main direction of officers’ training is their fundamental military and professional training in both the military and civilian fields. The content of the officers’ training is based on two military education levels. Each level of military education ends with a certain level of qualification. It is possible to distinguish the general tendencies of development of the higher Hungarian military school: improvement of the quality of applicants’ selection, individualization of training of cadets and trainees, stabilization of their number at the present level; further informatization of the educational process, introduction of multimedia learning tools. Certainly, the positive elements of the experience of the Hungarian army can be used in the training of officers in the Ukrainian Armed Forces under the conditions of gradual transition to the recruitment on a contract basis.


normally only gradually, and this situation is not universally the case. There is growing understanding of the need for security arrangements which underpin the economic and political co-operation whose value is so clear to most decision-makers. Those who wish to see greater co-operation from the Latin American states in the non-proliferation and arms control fields should attempt to understand these phenomena and make a greater effort to bring the Latin Americans along. The North can help a great deal in educating key members of the civilian elites in these countries about defence matters. This would go a long way to easing some of the issues of civil-military relations mentioned. Showing more transparency ourselves in the working of arms control groupings can help to reduce concerns in these countries about their ability to resist excessive northern pressures if they accept the objectives sought by those countries in such groups. Working with nascent but interested elements of civil society, from universities and research centres for example can help to build the constituency for these objectives in key countries. And efforts to show the military that collaboration does not necessarily mean the end of a legitimate degree of armed forces influence in the security area and more widely in foreign policy, and that arms control does not necessarily imply ruin for them and their families, need to be made and indeed should be more closely studied in order to address these real concerns. There is thus a good deal which can be done. But culture remains formative and vital to states and individuals. These societies are the result of a lived historic experience and only an understanding of the very real security concerns they have will allow us to obtain more support from them in security fields which are, as in the past, still offering great challenges globally and regionally.

2012 ◽  
pp. 193-196

Author(s):  
Maiah Jaskoski

Under Ecuador’s “third wave” democracy that began in 1979, the armed forces have exhibited considerable autonomy vis-à-vis civilians in government, as measured by (a) military intervention in politics and (b) the armed forces’ spread into internal security. Perhaps most noteworthy, military participation in politics and internal security increased significantly during the second half of the 1990s, in a permissive environment: as a result of their rule in the 1970s, the armed forces enjoyed a positive reputation within society as an institution capable of getting things done, without committing human rights abuses. Within that context, a traumatic military role crisis prompted the armed forces to expand their political and internal security roles. The armed forces lost their traditional mission of defending Ecuador’s southern border against Peru in the late 1990s, due to the resolution of that border dispute. In its search for institutional justification, the military proactively intensified its participation in politics and internal security. That extensive internal security work not only served as an indicator of military autonomy vis-à-vis civilians but it also made the armed forces ineffective and unreliable in responding to the civilian government’s basic national defense requirements, as evinced by the military’s response to a new sovereignty threat. When Colombian guerrilla crossings into northern Ecuador became a salient border threat in the 2000s, the armed forces focused on internal security in the north and not border defense.


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nguyen Van Huy ◽  
M. Obaidul Hamid

Purpose – This paper aims to shed light on the process of adopting and accommodating a global language education framework, namely the Common European Framework of Reference (CEFR) for languages, in the context of Vietnam. Design/methodology/approach – The data to develop the argument of the paper are obtained from a doctoral research project that aims to understand the reception, interpretations and responses of key stakeholders in the process of enacting the CEFR in a Vietnam public university. The study was designed as a qualitative case study with data being collected using policy document analysis, classroom observation and in-depth interviews with 21 purposively sampled participants, including school administrators, English language teachers and students over a period of six months. Findings – The paper argues that the adoption of the CEFR, as it currently stands, can be seen at best as a “quick-fix” (Steiner-Khamsi, 2004, p. 58) solution to the complex and time-consuming problem of improving the quality of English language education in Vietnam, which fails to address some critical issues in the practice of teaching and learning the language in the country. Originality/value – The study speaks to the body of literature on the CEFR as a contemporary global language policy borrowing phenomenon in developing countries. It contributes to a better understanding of how a global language policy is adopted and appropriated at the grass-root level.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-219
Author(s):  
Brânduşa-Oana Niculescu ◽  
Georgeta Obilişteanu ◽  
Isabela Anda Dragomir

Abstract The new requirements regarding the professionalization of the Romanian armed forces derived from our country’s becoming a NATO and EU member state. The challenges of the 21st century battlefield demand the development not only of certain soldierly skills, but also of the abilities to properly function in a multicultural context. The cadets of the military academies are the future officers that will operate in the international theatres of operations. Being engaged in multinational formations and having to work side by side with foreign military personnel, our cadets need to have a good command of the English language, as well as to acquire and develop the intercultural skills necessary to appropriately function in a multicultural environment. Thus, a shift in the curricula of the Romanian military academies has been made, from an emphasis on the transmission of knowledge content to a focus on relating language to the target culture and developing cadets’ linguistic and intercultural competences. This paper suggests some methods and techniques that have proven efficient when teaching basic military English in the Land Forces Academy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Anwar Anwar

This paper examines the historical roots of the emergence of the involvement of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (ABRI) in the socio-political field, especially several reasons that form the basis of government policy to involve ABRI in the socio-political and economic fields, as well as ABRI’s own efforts to play a role in these fields. This historical approach research concluded that ABRI’s involvement in the socio-political field in Indonesia had begun since the government of Guided Democracy under President Soekarno. Politically, the reason for Soekarno’s inclusion of the military in his government structure was due to the failure of civilian politicians in formulating state ideology with no agreement between parties in the constituent assembly. This failure is considered to endanger national political stability and threaten the integrity of the country. For this reason, President Soekarno recruited the military to balance civilian politicians in his government. Along with its involvement in the socio-political field, ABRI also plays a role in socio-economics. Although at first, this role was limited to securing national private companies which were legacies of foreign companies, but during the New Order government, the dual function of ABRI was confirmed and its role was wider. Almost all strategic economic sectors are controlled by ABRI.


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