scholarly journals MEDIA FREEDOM AND CONTROL IN MALAYSIA: A COMPARATIVE STUDY

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (13) ◽  
pp. 24-38
Author(s):  
Adibah Ismail
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Control Element ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Media Control ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
International Body ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Control

Media freedom and media control are two concepts closely related to democracy where it involves the struggle and cooperation between media and the government. Although Freedom House – an international body that classified a few countries in Europe as practicing press freedom, the truth is absolute press freedom does not exist. Those countries actually have their own control mechanism. In Malaysia, media freedom and media control are always questioned because the government was accused of using various reasons to control media freedom. The media freedom issue is considered as not important for a developing country like Malaysia because multiracial harmony is essential in order for the government to focus on the development. However, the advancement of technology has loosened the government’s control and makes it more complex. This situation has raised concerns about how the media can be controlled in the era of new media. Through a literature review of secondary sources, this article is going to evaluate the control element in the Agenda Setting Theory proposed by McCombs and Shaw (1972) and how press freedom in Malaysia has been impacted by the advancement of communication technology. This article will also suggest a few solutions for the government to control the media in the era of new media.

scholarly journals HEALTH COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES EMPLOYED BY THE MEDIA DURING THE COVID-19 CRISIS: CASE OF ZIMBABWE BROADCASTING CORPORATION TELEVISION (ZBC –TV)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberley Sarah Muchetwa ◽  
Ephraim Maruta ◽  
Hilda Jaka ◽  
Joyman Ruvado ◽  
Evans Chazireni
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Health Communication ◽  
Communication Strategies ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Analysis Data ◽  
Freedom Of Information ◽  
The Public ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

The paper reports findings from a study that explored health communication strategies employed by the media on the state of preparedness by the Zimbabwean government during the COVID 19 crisis by the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation Television (ZBC-TV). The study adopted secondary data analysis. Data were collected using secondary sources. The study was influenced by the framing theory. The study found out that ZBC-TV used songs, road shows, commercial ads, dramas, musical shows on reporting the pandemic. The archival documents also revealed that ZBC-TV have used periodical updates as health communication strategies to educate the public about COVID 19. ZBC-TV also used Facebook showing staff from the Office of the President and Cabinet receiving the Covid 19 vaccine at the same time applauding positive response from Harare Metropolitan Province as front line workers surpassed the target under the first phase of Covid-19 vaccine roll out plan. The study concluded that the health communication strategies employed by ZBC-TV have been effective in increasing the societal awareness about health issues. ZBC-TV managed to reach out to the masses using both the television and by making use of the new media communication technologies. However, press censorship has been a challenge in publishing information concerning COVID 19 as the media house is not allowed to publish anything that tarnishes the image of the government. It is based on such evidence that the study concludes that ZBC-TV at some point distorted information to paint the picture that the government is doing all it can to contain the spread of COVID 19 and ensuring the safety of the public. The study recommends that the ministry should ensure freedom of information publicity, in which media houses, including ZBC-TV is not controlled by any political party of government. The government should also privatise ZBC-TV so that it will be answerable to the public and not few government officials. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0895/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

scholarly journals Factors that Influence Freedom of Speech and Self-censorship in Mass Media in Contemporary Russia

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 110-120
Author(s):  
Oksana Olshevskaya
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Positive Impact ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
Negative Experience ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
In The Beginning

An attempt to define the degree of media freedom in contemporary Russia leads to contradiction between the declaration of the mass media freedom provided by the Constitution of the Russian Federation and the Soviet Union heritage of unequivocal control of the press by the government, described by Siebert et al. (1984) as the Soviet-Communist Press Theory. The reason for this ambiguity could be explained by the great deal of different factors that exert an influence on the journalism, such as features of mass media legislation, governmental control of the media, the diversity of media ownership, sources of media incomes, and traditions of censorship in Russia.  The current development of the media legislation in Russia shows no improvement regarding the freedom of speech. In the beginning of the third presidential term in 2012, Vladimir Putin has signed several laws that reduced the freedom of speech through the limitation of public assembly, criminalization of defamation in the mass media, and intensification of governmental censorship on the internet. On the other hand, the contemporary press freedom that appeared in conditions of the new market economy in the beginning of the 1990s has brought discredit as to the conception of an exclusively positive impact of unconditional freedom on the mass media since the newspapers, television and radio channels were controlled by several powerful oligarchs who used the owned mass media to spread and support their political influence. However, after the authorities’ reference in the 2000s the balance was not regained. As a result, the majority of the media outlets in Russia became co-owned or fully controlled by the government. Another crucial aspect of the mass media freedom as the cultural phenomenon should be kept in mind: seven decades of severe censorship could not be erased from the journalism professional community’s memory in several years. The negative experience of predecessors transforms censorship into self-censorship in modern Russia.

Political pressure mounts on Japanese media

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Political Pressure ◽  
Content Type ◽  
International Media ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
Near Term ◽  
The Government

Significance The issue of media independence has become a fraught one under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's administration, with perceptions rising among journalists and the public that the government is subjecting the media to political pressure. Critics of the administration speak of censorship and threats to freedom of expression. Japan's ranking in the World Press Freedom Index has fallen from 22nd in 2011-12, before Abe took office, to 61st in 2015. Impacts The government seems likely to try to marginalise the criticisms of constitutional scholars, like it marginalises its other critics. International media as well as domestic journalists are likely to feel some pressure from the authorities. In the near term, the issue is unlikely to destabilise the government, or derail passage of security legislation.

scholarly journals Digital Security Act and Investigative Journalism in Bangladesh: A Critical Analysis

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 216-236
Author(s):  
Md. Aliur Rahman ◽  
Harun-Or Rashid
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Investigative Journalism ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Government ◽  
Negative Impacts ◽  
The Right ◽  
Harmful Effects

The Digital Security Act 2018 has created some barriers for citizens' accessing information and freedom of expression, particularly for the media professionals including journalists in Bangladesh. Thus, investigative journalism is now in a state of fear for distinction. In this context, the purpose of the study is to explore various effects of this Act, as well as to focus on different directions of protection while facing fears associated with the law. Showing the necessities for investigative journalism, this article also presented different fields of such an effective journalism. Methodologically, this article has followed the qualitative approach and collected information from both the primary and secondary sources. The findings from this study have shown that the fear of negative impacts form the Digital Security Act is dominant although the aim of the law, as described, is to provide security for information and communication. From the analysis of opinions of experts, it is easily predictable that some articles of the law have created dangerous threats on the way of investigative journalism, considering its applicable effects. Most of the experts expressed concerns about the negative impacts the law does have, as shown in the findings.  It is also reflected that these harmful effects would fall ultimately on the shoulder of the state creating such a bad situation where the government is feared to have lagged in terms of taking the right decisions at the right time.

scholarly journals MEDIA FREEDOM IN KENYA in 2017: A REALITY OR A MIRAGE?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Genga
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Information Management ◽  
Social Factors ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Free Media ◽  
Freedom House

Media freedom is the capacity of the media to act as a barometer to call government to account vis-à-vis the Constitution of Kenya, 2010 especially the values, spirit and ethos enshrined therein. So much so that countries which are strong democracies always have strong and free media. A free and democratic society is not possible without an independent, free and responsible media and an active civil society. Freedom House Report results from the fact that Kenya currently finds itself in a very interesting position where media freedom exists boldly on paper, but the reality on the ground is something else. The current Constitution of Kenya which came into force on 27 August 2010, has not only been hailed as reformist, but it has a new and progressive Bill of Rights requiring extensive reforms to both the media and information management frameworks. However, the government seems to have another agenda. As will be observed below, the government has introduced several laws that, on the outside appear to be progressive and in line with the new Constitution, but upon closer inspection clearly has an agenda that undermines media freedom in Kenya. In the sections which follow, this paper will analyse the legal framework and social factors relevant to media freedom in Kenya.

scholarly journals Measuring media liberalism or dirigisme degree by country

2021 ◽  
Vol 188 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Leyli Ali Allakhverdieva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Information Services ◽  
Corporate Tax ◽  
Media Freedom ◽  
The Public ◽  
Radio Broadcasting ◽  
Level Of Economic Development ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Watching Tv

The author measures the degree of of the public regulation of the information services provision via media (media liberalism degree), namely via printed media, and television and radio broadcasting. The methodology of measurement of media liberalism degree (media freedom subindex) is part of the index of liberalism (or dirigisme in opposite) of information services, prepared according to Professor N. Muzaffarli’s assessment of the degree of the government intervention in the economy. In order to measure the media freedom subindex, the following indicators are used: the VAT index on printed publications, the VAT index on television and radio broadcasting, the index of license fee for watching TV, the VAT index of license fee for watching TV, the index of penalty for late VAT payment, the corporate tax index, the ratio of private and the state TV channels subindex. Measuring those indices in the studied group of countries made it possible to establish that: 1) Azerbaijan and Georgia are the most liberal countries with regard to the VAT index on printed publications, Bulgaria is the most dirigiste country; 2) the minimal VAT index on television and radio broadcasting is observed in Malta, the maximal - in Hungary; 3) in most countries the index of license fee for watching TV is lowest, with Austria having the highest indicator; 4) in Azerbaijan, the Russian Federation, Georgia and Armenia there is no concept of license fee for watching TV, respectively there is no related VAT; in the UK, Ireland, Malta, the Netherlands and Sweden this type of tax is not levied either; 5) the most liberal country in terms of the index of penalty for late VAT payment is Hungary, whereas Slovenia is the most dirigiste; 6) the most liberal country with regard to the corporate tax index is Hungary, while the most dirigiste is Malta; 7) in most countries the ratio of the private and state-owned TV channels subindex is equal to zero (there are no local public TV channels), with France being the most dirigiste country in terms of the subindex mentioned above. It can be noted that the most liberal media belong to Cyprus, the most dirigiste - to France. In most of the researched countries the media are more liberal than the relative center shows. It has been found that most countries with a higher level of economic development adhere to less dirigiste media policies, and vice versa. Also, there are countries that do not lend themselves to this pattern, for example, Ireland.

scholarly journals Agama Dan Media: Teori Konspirasi Covid-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 45
Author(s):  
Nikmah Lubis
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Online Media ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Journal Articles ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Health Experts

Virus corona muncul pertama kali di Wuhan China yang merupakan virus yang menginfeksi pernapasan atau disebut Covid-19. Penyebarannya yang begitu cepat sampai ke seluruh negara menimbulkan pengaruh terhadap beberapa sektor, seperti kesehatan, sosial, politik, ekonomi maupun agama. Penyebaran informasi yang cepat dan menyeluruh yang dilakukan oleh media, menjadi kesempatan sebagian orang untuk menyebar hoax, rumor dan konspirasi yang dilakukan untuk kepentingan pribadi dan golongan tertentu. Penyebaran tersebut tidak terlepas dari otoritas yang dimilikinya. Otoritas politik dan otoritas agama mengalami penurunan legitimasi sehingga media baru membuat fragmentasi otoritas tetapi ada ketimpangan pengetahuan antara pemerintah, ahli kesehatan, dan masyarakat biasa. Sehingga masyarakat bebas menggunakan media apapun untuk bersuara. Para otoritas agama juga ikut meramaikan media online dan media sosial dalam menyampaikan pendapatnya tentang Covid-19. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pengumpulan data sekunder yang bersumber dari artikel jurnal, media online. Hasilnya otoritas agama memiliki pengaruh kuat dalam menyampaikan informasi kepada khalayak. Walaupun sebagian informasi yang disampaikan bertentangan dengan otoritas lainnya seperti otoritas kesehatan dan politik (pemerintah)[The corona virus first appeared in Wuhan China, which is a virus that infects respiration or is called Covid-19. The spread is so fast that the whole country has an influence on several sectors, such as health, social, political, economic and religious. The rapid and comprehensive dissemination of information carried out by the media has become an opportunity for some people to spread hoaxes, rumors and conspiracies carried out for personal and certain group interests. The spread is inseparable from the authority it has. Political authority and religious authority have decreased legitimacy so that the new media create fragmentation of authority but there is a knowledge gap between the government, health experts, and ordinary people. So that people are free to use any media to speak out. Religious authorities have also participated in online media and social media in expressing their opinions about Covid-19. This study uses qualitative methods with secondary data sourced from journal articles, online media. The result is that religious authorities have a strong influence in conveying information to the public. Although some of the information contradicts other authorities such as health and political authorities (government)]

New Media in Kenya

2011 ◽  
pp. 40-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin C. Njoroge ◽  
Purity Kimani ◽  
Bernard J. Kikech
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Ethnic Differences ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Way

The way the media processes, frames, and passes on information either to the government or to the people affects the function of the political system. This chapter discusses the interaction between new media and ethnicity in Kenya, Africa. The chapter investigates ways in which the new media reinforced issues relating to ethnicity prior to Kenya’s 2007 presidential election. In demonstrating the nexus between new media and ethnicity, the chapter argues that the upsurge of ethnic animosity was chiefly instigated by new media’s influence. Prior to the election, politicians had mobilized their supporters along ethnic lines, and created a tinderbox situation. Thus, there is need for the new media in Kenya to help the citizens to redefine the status of ethnic relationships through the recognition of ethnic differences and the re-discovery of equitable ways to accommodate them; after all, there is more strength than weaknesses in these differences.

The Digital Citizen

2008 ◽  
pp. 108-115
Author(s):  
Zizi Papacharissi
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.

International Land Deals and Agricultural Investment in Ethiopia

2015 ◽  
pp. 167-193
Author(s):  
Kassa T. Alemu
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Sustainable Use ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Monitoring And Control ◽  
Agricultural Investment ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Government ◽  
Large Scale Land ◽  
And Control ◽  
Agricultural Investments

This chapter investigates land deals processes and the effects on livelihoods in Gambella and Benishangul-Gumuz. It applies quantitative and qualitative data from primary and secondary sources. It describes the land deals, actors involved, and the effect of the deal on villagers' land rights, food security, job creation, technology transfer, and sustainable use of natural resources. The study concludes that the government effort towards large-scale land deals and agricultural investment is promising. However, there is a gap regarding making the deals a win-win situation for stakeholders. Therefore, it is recommended that the governance of land deals need to be improved, and the capacity of the three actors—the government, investors, and local communities—need to be developed to play their respective roles in the deals. It is also recommended that effective monitoring and control mechanisms related to large-scale agricultural investments should be put in place and properly implemented.

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