scholarly journals Constitutional Reforms in the Digital Era: the Iceland’s Experience

Author(s):  
Татьяна Васильева ◽  
Tatiana Vasilieva

Digital era creates new opportunities for citizens for participation in political and legal decision-making process at various levels. Currently, the practice of involving citizens in drafting of laws and even constituent acts is spreading in foreign countries. The draft of the Constitution of Iceland of 2011 was adopted by the Constitutional Council, which included ordinary citizens, not representatives of the political elite. By the use of social media and the official website, the Council was able to establish direct contacts with the population and promptly respond to suggestions and comments of citizens. Not only citizens, but also foreigners could submit their proposals on issues which should be reflected in the text of the Constitution, comments on the wording of certain articles and participate in the stress test of the constitutional draft. This approach has legitimized the process of the Constitution drafting and created a sense of ownership among those who participated in the discussion. Although this draft has not become the Constitution because of the lack of the Parliament’s support, the Iceland’s experience may be interesting as a new approach to drafting laws in the digital era. The Icelandic experience was considered unprecedented and revolutionary. It showed that the process of Constitution drafting could be more open and democratic without incur-ring significant financial costs.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002190962110345
Author(s):  
Theophilus Tinashe Nenjerama ◽  
Shepherd Mpofu

This study examines a new wave of populisms arising in the digital era using Pastor Evan Mawarire’s #ThisFlag movement: What are they, and how do they express themselves? How does the hegemony react to them? Non-mainstream, digitally born movements, especially in dictatorships, are dismissed by the political elite as ill-mannered disruptors whose political interventions are detrimental. To analyse the cleric’s populism and its meaning to the Zimbabwean body politic, we use three specific themes: (a) personality and influence of movement leader(s); (b) populist communication and messaging; and (c) recreating an involved citizenry. We used digital ethnography to gather and analyse data.


Author(s):  
Musayyarah Fatmayani ◽  
Drs Pawito ◽  
Widodo Muktiyo

This study aims to express an understanding of how information-seeking patterns among the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle in Surakarta relate to the issue of the possible nomination of Gibran Rakabuming Raka - son of Indonesian President Joko Widodo as a candidate for Mayor of Surakarta. This research analyzes through social media, especially Facebook, about the relationship between information seeking behavior of the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) with certainty about the issues circulating in the community. This research paradigm uses phenomenology with a qualitative approach. The source / participant of this research is the political elite PDI Perjuangan this is because according to the news circulating Gibran will run for office using PDI Perjuangan party vehicles. This study concludes that the pattern of information seeking among the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) in Surakarta with information certainty needs. The need for information seeking is growing, making the PDI Perjuangan elite in Surakarta a source of information which then forms information search behavior patterns based on the use of social media, especially Facebook. 


Res Publica ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21
Author(s):  
Marc Hooghe

The Belgian political system is generally portrayed as being closed for outsiders. In this article we ascertain how the system responded to the challenge of the new social movements. The Belgian political elite developed a response strategy, based on thematical openness and actorial closure. The issues of the new social movements were admitted on the political agenda, but the movements themselves were excluded from access to the decision making process. Only those actors were allowed which were willing to accomodate themselves to the traditional elite consensus, based on neo-corporatism, pillarisation and a politically passive population.  Confronted with this elite strategy, the new social movements were able to fulfil their agenda function (bringing new issues on the political agenda), but they had little opportunity for introducing new cultural codes into the political decision making process. This lack of innovation enhances the legitimation crisis of the Belgian political system.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-33
Author(s):  
Arina Rohmatul Hidayah

Previous researches on political marketing found several gaps in terms of content and essence as a process of political exchange and interaction. Based on this, the researcher aims to actualize the essence of the basic theory or concept of political marketing into the 2018 regional election of East Java through the use of social media as an interactive media. For the content aspect, researcher selected political stream as a society cultural system. It considered as one of the determining aspects for voter preferences, especially in East Java.  Qualitative approach with the content analysis method conducted for this research by applying political marketing theories and the political stream concepts from Clifford Geertz. The result of this research revealed that political stream also revolves around the political elite. Each candidate tries to display some stream characteristics that are considered familiar by the public to increase redundancy or message certainty. In this case, Gus Ipul-Puti is considered to be stronger and more varied than Khofifah-Emil. However, from public reaction, not all of the political streams conveyed can be clearly captured by the users. This occurred because there are some cultural differences between the message sender and it’s receiver. Nevertheless, the implications of this research can be used as a benchmark of how to utilize political stream effectively in order to get a positive response from the public. Then, it also can be literacy medium to recognize the cultural symbols raised in political contestation in Indonesia.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-348
Author(s):  
Ivo Vanpol

The nuclear energy decision-making process is a clear example of the difficulty the Belgian political system has in making decisions. An explanation for this incapability has to be sought among the political elite, which allows the Belgian economy to be directed by special interests.This admission fits into an «elitist consensus», an unwritten agreement among top-political leaders. Threats to this elitist consensus are subtly neutralized, leaving the power of these economie groups unaffected.  The power of the private producers of electricity is to a large extent consolidated by the inertia of the political system. This passivity is instrumental in maintaining the elitist consensus. The power of the anti-nuclear groups, measured in its mobilizing effects, is relatively small. As producers of energy, the electricity companies have a privileged position in the Belgian economic  system, because energy is thought to be the motor of economic  growth. A thorough parliamentary debate on energy could change the elitist consensus but for this, a political majority would have to be found.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Cohen ◽  
Stéphane Béchet ◽  
Nathalie Gelbert ◽  
Bruno Frandji ◽  
François Vie Le Sage ◽  
...  

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.


Author(s):  
Takeuchi Ayano

AbstractPublic participation has become increasingly necessary to connect a wide range of knowledge and various values to agenda setting, decision-making and policymaking. In this context, deliberative democratic concepts, especially “mini-publics,” are gaining attention. Generally, mini-publics are conducted with randomly selected lay citizens who provide sufficient information to deliberate on issues and form final recommendations. Evaluations are conducted by practitioner researchers and independent researchers, but the results are not standardized. In this study, a systematic review of existing research regarding practices and outcomes of mini-publics was conducted. To analyze 29 papers, the evaluation methodologies were divided into 4 categories of a matrix between the evaluator and evaluated data. The evaluated cases mainly focused on the following two points: (1) how to maintain deliberation quality, and (2) the feasibility of mini-publics. To create a new path to the political decision-making process through mini-publics, it must be demonstrated that mini-publics can contribute to the decision-making process and good-quality deliberations are of concern to policy-makers and experts. Mini-publics are feasible if they can contribute to the political decision-making process and practitioners can evaluate and understand the advantages of mini-publics for each case. For future research, it is important to combine practical case studies and academic research, because few studies have been evaluated by independent researchers.


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