scholarly journals FINANCIAL DIPLOMACY IN INTERDISCIPLINARY DISCOURSE

2021 ◽  
pp. 129-145
Author(s):  
Nataliya KRAVCHUK ◽  
Oleh LUTSYSHYN

Introduction. Global transformation processes, the globalization of the financial sphere in particular, which have intensified at the turn of the XX – XXI centuries, created new preconditions for the economization of international relations and the expansion of classical diplomatic tools (including economic and financial) for the foreign policy of individual actors in international relations. Orthodox approaches are being replaced by the realization that financial diplomacy is the basis for forming the economic image of the state; the institution of promoting national interests outside states and integration associations; the form of political influence and foreign economic policy; as well as a public-private partnership in international affairs. A huge variety of interests and contradictions are intertwined when talking about financial diplomacy. In this sense, the study of financial diplomacy involves going beyond the disciplinary division of social sciences and necessities of the formation of the generalization theory principles, which would be adequate to modern transformations in the system of international relations. The purpose of the article is to scientifically argue the need to apply the concept of "financial diplomacy" in scientific circulation; based on the logic of methodological monism, to reveal the interdisciplinary nature of financial diplomacy as a new independent object of economic diplomacy, which requires deepening the conceptual foundations and expanding its application in practice. Methods: scientific synthesis, interdisciplinary exchange, cross-sectional research, integrated thinking. Results. It has been found that financial diplomacy is an insufficiently discussed concept in science. It is argued that financial diplomacy, as an interdisciplinary phenomenon, should be considered in the context of interdisciplinary discourse at the conceptual and empirical levels, combining pragmatism of politics, the rationality of economics, and the art of diplomacy. At the conceptual level, it is proposed to consider financial diplomacy as an important component of economic diplomacy and as an independent area of diplomatic practice, formed under the influence of systemic determinants of global development. At the empirical level, financial diplomacy is a multidisciplinary institution of diplomacy. Within this paper models, forms, and levels of financial diplomacy are singled out; its universal methods are supplemented by specific tools; emphasis is placed on the problems of forming a modern network structure of financial diplomacy at both the formal and informal levels. Conclusions. The objective necessity of separating financial diplomacy into a separate specific branch of modern diplomatic activity is scientifically substantiated; its interdisciplinary nature is revealed and a polymodal concept of research at the conceptual and empirical levels is proposed.

2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
Tudor CHERHAȚ

This paper illustrates how People’s Republic of China has applied a form of economic diplomacy to Central and Eastern Europe in order to extend its regional political influence. Using the “17+1” Initiative, the Chinese state sought to provide financial privileges to member states so that they would later become dependent on Beijing’s political and economic visions. However, despite the European Union’s concern, the results of the project were not as expected, with great doubts about the initiative’s future. These were confirmed by the position of NATO, which considered that China’s efforts do not represent a security issue for the Alliance’s eastern flank.


Author(s):  
Poorvi Chitalkar ◽  
David M. Malone

India’s engagement with the institutions and norms of global governance has evolved significantly since independence in 1947. This chapter traces the evolution—beginning with early engagement with international organizations under Nehru, to the waning of its enthusiasm for multilateralism in the 1960s and 1970s, and its struggle for greater voice and recognition internationally in the twenty-first century. Through the prism of its quest for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council, its approach to climate change negotiations, global economic diplomacy, and its engagement with global norms, this chapter traces India’s rise as a vital player in the rebalancing of international relations in a multipolar world. However, despite its tremendous progress, some ongoing challenges continue to constrain India’s meaningful participation in global governance at times. The chapter concludes with an assessment of India’s contribution to global governance and its prospects as a stakeholder and shareholder on the global stage.


Author(s):  
Igor' Olegovich Nadtochii ◽  
Oleg Alekseevich Novikov

The subject of this research is the phenomenon of economic diplomacy as an instrument of “soft law”, which is becoming widespread in the international relations of modern multipolar world. The object of this research is the international relations and the impact of international legal norms upon formation of their peculiarities. Attention is given to the differences between “soft” and “hard” international law, as well as international and “quasi-international” law. The author explores various historical aspects of international relations, within the framework of which are implemented certain legal mechanisms and instruments. Incompletion of evolution of the phenomenon of “soft law” at the present stage is observed. The conclusion is made that the task of “soft law” in international relations lies in the use of the established international legal toolset and correction of the global world order to the benefit of a certain country of group of countries. It is noted that that key criterion that determines “soft law” as a unique instrument of international relations and international law is the nature of the means that without the extensive use of non-legal instruments. At the same time, the authors claim that in a number of cases, the emergence of legal mechanisms is the result of continuous application of “soft law”.


Author(s):  
Donna Lee ◽  
Brian Hocking

Mainstream studies of diplomacy have traditionally approached international relations (IR) using realist and neorealist frameworks, resulting in state-centric analyses of mainly political agendas at the expense of economic matters. Recently, however, scholars have begun to focus on understanding international relations beyond security. Consequently, there has been a significant shift in the study of diplomacy toward a better understanding of the processes and practices underpinning economic diplomacy. New concepts of diplomacy such as catalytic diplomacy, network diplomacy, and multistakeholder diplomacy have emerged, providing new tools not only to recognize a greater variety of state and nonstate actors in diplomatic practice, but also to highlight the varied and changing character of diplomatic processes. In this context, two themes in the study of diplomacy can be identified. The first is that of diplomat as agent, in IR and international political economy. The second is how to fit into diplomatic agency officials who do not belong to the state, or to a foreign ministry. In the case of the changing environment caused by globalization, economic diplomacy commonly drives the development of qualitatively different diplomatic practices in new and existing economic forums. Four key modes of economic diplomacy are critical to managing contemporary globalization: commercial diplomacy, trade diplomacy, finance diplomacy, and consular visa services in relation to increased immigration flows. The development of these modes of economic diplomacy has shaped the way we think about who the diplomats are, what diplomats do, and how they do it.


2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 491-529 ◽  
Author(s):  
David A. Steinberg ◽  
Krishan Malhotra

Conventional wisdom holds that autocracies are more likely than democracies to adopt interventionist and protectionist economic policies, including fixed and undervalued exchange rates. This article suggests that this view is only partially correct: nondemocracies are a heterogeneous grouping, and only some types of authoritarian regimes adopt different foreign economic policies from those of their democratic counterparts. Using the example of exchange rate policy, the authors show that foreign economic policy varies across monarchic, military, and civilian dictatorships. More specifically, they hypothesize that monarchies and military regimes are more likely than democracies and civilian dictatorships to maintain fixed exchange rate regimes because the former regimes have smaller “selectorates” than the latter. The authors also expect that monarchies and civilian dictatorships maintain more undervalued exchange rates than democracies and military regimes because the former regimes provide their leaders with greater tenure security than the latter regimes. These hypotheses are evaluated using a time-series–cross-sectional data set of a large sample of developing countries from 1973 to 2006. The statistical results accord with these predictions. These findings indicate that the ways in which democracies engage with the global economy may be less unique than many believe.


Author(s):  
A. Baykov

The paper analyzes the basic parameters of the soft power of the European Union in the context of the effectiveness of its foreign policy and comparison with the efforts of Russia's own resources capacity of non-violent political influence. To solve this purpose the author dissects the basic interpretation soft power, reviews the criteria to measure the effectiveness foreign policy, highlights the existing scholarly discussion regarding the applicability, relevance and accuracy of the concepts of hard and soft power in applied policy analysis. Particular attention is paid to the problem of trust in international relations in general and in the relations between Russia and the EU in particular. The presence of trust in international relations constitutes a prerequisite to solve any problems for foreign policy. Analyzing the practical expression of the basic values of Western European countries and Russia the article concludes that the efficiency of 'soft power' strategies exercised both by Russia and the EU vis-à-vis each other is rather low. The multi-faceted relations between Russia and the European Union with closely interwoven national interests of different countries do not make these relationships easier whereas a whole array of historical and psychological problems do not add trust. Therefore, it is reasonable to opt for formalized dialogue institutions. In conclusion, the author provides recommendations for medium-and long-term prospects of the bilateral relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 27-28
Author(s):  
Piotr Chlebowicz

The article attempts to describe the use of organised crime to achieve the political goals of the Russian Federation. This phenomenon escapes unambiguous scientific classifications and has an eminently interdisciplinary character. This is because organised crime is usually analysed in the classical criminological literature as a pathology the state fights. However, it turns out that organised crime structures can be an element of the foreign policy carried out by covert and illegal means. Therefore, the criminological perspective should be supplemented with a viewpoint of political and security sciences. The direct inspiration for this paper came from the analyses carried out by Galeotti, an expert in security and international relations. It refers to the practical manifestations of the activities of Russian special services: SVR, GRU and FSB, in which Russian-speaking criminal networks are used. The author believes it can be analysed in terms of the concept known in the Anglo-Saxon scientific circle as a so-called state crime.


Author(s):  
Daniel Philpott

This chapter on religion and international security begins by arguing that religion was largely absent from International Relations (IR) theory since its modern founding in early modern Europe, mirroring its lack of influence on actual IR during the same period. Over the past four decades, though, religion has resurged in its global political influence, while, over the past decade-and-a-half, a literature on religion and IR has appeared and developed. The chapter then looks at this literature, particularly at scholarship that argues for and against religion’s inherently violent nature; that sees religion as a force for both peace and violence; that describes and tracks trends in religious war and religious terrorism; that argues for and against Islam’s proneness to violence; and that seeks to theorize the varying political stances of religious actors. The chapter closes with an analysis of a normative debate on religious freedom.


1976 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter J. Katzenstein

Recent writings on problems of the international economy have focused attention primarily on changes in the international system. This paper attempts to show that foreign economic policy can be understood only if domestic factors are systematically included in the analysis. The paper's first part groups the recent literature into three paradigms which distinguish between three international effects. The second part offers a comparison of the differences between a state-centered policy network in France and a society-centered network in the United States. The third part of the paper combines the arguments of the first two and analyzes French and American commercial, financial, and energy policies as the outcome of both international effects and domestic structures. These case studies show that domestic factors must be included in an analysis of foreign economic policies. The paper's main results are analyzed further in its fourth part.


1993 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-534 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard C. Eichenberg ◽  
Russell J. Dalton

Europeans evaluate the European Community (EC) according to its economic performance, political salience, and role in international relations. During the last two decades their measured attitudes toward European integration warmed especially when inflation rates fell, as the EC share of the country's trade expanded, when EC elections and referenda increased attention to the community, and to some extend during periods when East-West relations were relaxed. Europeans did not vary their support according to their countries' shares of the Brussels budget. Thus, notwithstanding Denmark's 1992 rejection of the Maastricht treaty and the end of the cold war, recent EC reforms that increase monetary stability, intra-European trade and political attention are all likely to maintain or increase citizen support for the EC. These findings result from a model that blends comparative political economy with international relations in one of the first applications of pooled cross-sectional and time-series analysis to the comparative study of public opinion.


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