Media and fake news: An analysis of citizens’ attitudes toward misinformation in European countries

2021 ◽  
pp. 185-190
Author(s):  
Mauro Ferrante ◽  
Anna Maria Parroco

The rapid changes determined by the rise of Internet and the recent development of social media in daily life have led to profound consequences on the quantity and quality of data made available and on the mechanisms of their dissemination. The rapid spread of on-line disinformation is one of the most discussed topic, and has been identified as one of the top-trends in modern societies by the World Economic Forum, also because of the link between these processes and political communication. Thanks to the availability of micro-data from the Flash Eurobarometer survey on “Fake news and disinformation online”, the present work aims at analyzing the attitude of European citizens toward fake news and disinformation. In a first step, cluster of citizens are identified according to their level of trust in media news, in relation to different types of media. Given the categorical nature of the variables considered, k-mode clustering is implemented. Secondly, the main determinants of news trust levels are analyzed, through regression models for categorical response variables. Preliminary results show that socio-demographic characteristics as well as technological use have an influence on trust in the media, which in turn determines different approaches on the role of institutions in tackling disinformation. The relevance of fake news in contemporary period and its potential consequences on the political side require a reflection on the role of statistical literacy and of official statistical institutes in dealing with disinformation in the post-truth era.

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 330-339
Author(s):  
Abdul-Karim Ziani ◽  
Mokhtar Elareshi ◽  
Khalid Al-Jaber

Abstract Many critical questions concerning the relationship between the news media and political knowledge involve the extent to which the media facilitate learning about news, war and politics. Political awareness - via the news media - affects virtually every aspect of citizens’ political attitudes and behaviours. This paper examines how Libyan elites adopt the news media to access news and information regarding the current Libyan war and politics and how they use political communication and new media to build/spread political awareness. With the expansion of private and state-owned television in Libya, concern has grown that these new TV services will survive in providing information about citizens’ interests, including the new, developing political scene. A total of 134 highly educated Libyan professionals completed an online survey, reporting their perceptions of issues covered by national TV services. This account centres on how those elites consume the media and what level of trust they have in the media and in information and what the role of the media in their country should be. The results show that most respondents, especially those who live outside the country, prefer using different Libyan news platforms. However, 50 per cent of these do not trust these channels as a source of information regarding the civil war, associated conflicts and politics in general. They have grown weary of coverage that represents the interests of those who run or own the services and consequently place little trust in the media. Spreading ‘lies as facts’ has affected the credibility of these services. Politically, these respondents wish the media to discuss solutions and act as a force for good, not for division. They also differed in the number and variety of national news sources that they reportedly used. This paper also highlights the role of social media, mobile telephony and the Internet, as well as the rapidly proliferating private and national media. These findings are also discussed in relation to the growing impact of online sources in Libyan society, social and political change and the emergence of new media platforms as new sources of information.


2019 ◽  
pp. 100-122
Author(s):  
Francis L. F. Lee

This chapter reviews the relationship between the media and the Umbrella Movement. The mainstream media, aided by digital media outlets and platforms, play the important role of the public monitor in times of major social conflicts, even though the Hong Kong media do so in an environment where partial censorship exists. The impact of digital media in largescale protest movements is similarly multifaceted and contradictory. Digital media empower social protests by promoting oppositional discourses, facilitating mobilization, and contributing to the emergence of connective action. However, they also introduce and exacerbate forces of decentralization that present challenges to movement leaders. Meanwhile, during and after the Umbrella Movement, one can also see how the state has become more proactive in online political communication, thus trying to undermine the oppositional character of the Internet in Hong Kong.


Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen

Political communication is becoming increasingly mediatized. Mediatization refers both to a gradual increase in the role of the media in political communication and the spillover effects that this increase has had on the way politics takes place and is organized and relatedly, the performance of political leadership. Of particular importance for political leadership styles is the surge of drama politics, the fragmentation of political communication and the active role of citizens in political communication. Chapter 9’s typology of democratic political leadership performance lays the ground for an analysis of how paternalist, populist, engaged, and interactive political leadership styles are affected by the increased mediatization. The analysis suggests that an interactive political leadership style is more viable than the other three political leadership styles to patterns of mediatization in the age of governance.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
S Paillard-Borg

Abstract Background The relationship between journalists and populations is complicated and the subject of “fake news” is one of these related issues. Despite the controversy, journalistic media are the ground to a well-informed society and as such journalists have the potential to be important actors in the pursuit of population health. At the same time, frustration against journalistic media has increased globally and vulnerable and so-called ’invisible’ groups feel neglected by the media. Methods The Circular Analytical Dialogue is an innovative method for examining the dialogue between journalists and citizens and investigating the role of journalism in promoting social cohesion, population health and democracy. Results The preliminary results of a pilot study in Japan on the topic of migration, using the Circular Analytical Dialogue, show that the dynamic between the participants and the journalists was valued by all parties as it allowed a profound and valuable dialogue. The journalist was most appreciative of the feedback of the participants as it opened alternative perspectives that were not considered beforehand. Conclusions The Circular Analytical Dialogue has the dual ambition to be a research as well as a journalistic tool and the knowledge generated with this method is intended to be used to strengthen understanding about the importance of journalism for healthy democratic societies. Key messages The Circular Analytical Dialogue method reinforces the importance of academic activism strongly related to sustainable societies. The Circular Analytical Dialogue method can potentially contribute to the empowerment of populations fundamental to population health.


2011 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 166-188
Author(s):  
Aistė Valiauskaitė

The article analyses the information that spreads in the media during the election campaign. It looks at the aspect of promises made by politicians through an academic lens. The definition of a political promise is explained; some insights are devoted to an analysis of the reasons why some promises are more commonly fulfilled. The paper mostly concentrates on the role of the media, combining ideas of media theorists with the investigation of pre-election TV debates “Lyderių forumas”.Keywords: campaign, objectivity, parliamentary elections, political communication, professionalism, promise, tv debates.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Birgir Guðmundsson

AbstractThe increased importance of social media platforms and network media logic merging with traditional media logic are a trademark of modern hybrid systems of political communication. This article looks at this development through the media-use by politicians before the 2016 and 2017 parliamentary elections in Iceland. Aggregate results from candidate surveys on the use and perceived importance of different media forms are used to examine the role of the new platform Snapchat in relation to other media, and to highlight the dynamics of the hybrid media system in Iceland. The results show that Snapchat is exploited more by younger politicians and those already using social media platforms. However, in spite of this duality between old and new media, users of traditional platforms still use new media and vice versa. This points to the existance of a delicate operational balance between different media logics, that could change as younger politicians move more centre stage.


2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kirsten Kozolanka

Abstract: This paper examines the key legitimating role of communication and the media, and the role of taming-labour, in constructing the Ontario neo-liberal hegemonic project in 1995. Media-content analysis and examination of the communication strategies of the Ontario government in the 1996 public-service strike show that the government relied on constructing the perception of a hegemonic crisis and framing labour as oppositional to the public interest of resolving the crisis. The government’s general strategy of quick-attack communications offensives curtailed media and opposition scrutiny, increasing the likelihood of policy success and media dependence on its framing of issues. A strong challenge to the government led by labour and social justice groups failed in the face of state public relations, media silence, and internal dissension. Examination of a second strike in 2002 suggests that even without a crisis, the government continued its attack on labour. Résumé : Cet article examine le rôle clé de légitimation joué par les communications et les médias, ainsi que les efforts déployés pour calmer la main-d’œuvre, lors de l’exécution d’un projet hégémonique néo-libéral en Ontario en 1995. Une analyse de contenu médiatique et l’examen des stratégies communicationnelles du gouvernement ontarien lors de la grève du service public en 1996 montrent que le gouvernement a tenté de faire croire à une crise hégémonique et a suggéré que la main-d’œuvre s’opposait à l’intérêt public en entravant la résolution de la crise. La stratégie du gouvernement, qui consistait en de rapides attaques communicationnelles, a empêché l’opposition et les médias de faire leur travail, augmentant à la fois la dépendance que les médias avaient de la version gouvernementale des faits, et ainsi augmentant les chances de succès du gouvernement. Des groupes de main-d’œuvre et de justice sociale se sont fortement opposés au gouvernement, mais ont échoué face à la campagne de relations publiques de l’État, au silence des médias et à cause de différends internes. L’examen d’une seconde grève en 2002 suggère que, même sans crise, le gouvernement a continué à attaquer la main-d’œuvre syndiquée.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 441-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Mihailidis ◽  
Samantha Viotty

This article explores the phenomenon of spectacle in the lead up and immediate aftermath of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Through the spread of misinformation, the appropriation of cultural iconography, and the willing engagement of mainstream media to perpetuate partisan and polarizing information, the proliferation of populist rhetoric, polarizing views, and vitriolic opinions spread. Revisiting the world of critical theorist Guy Debord, this article argues that the proliferation of citizen-drive spectacle is unique in its origination and perpetuation, and a direct result of an increasingly polarized and distrustful public spending an increasing amount of time in homophilous networks where contrarian views are few and far between. We apply the frame of spreadable media to explore how citizen expression online initiated, sustained, and expanded the media spectacle that pervaded the 2016 U.S. presidential election. The conclusion of this work argues that media literacies, as a popular response mechanism to help cultivate more critical consumers of media, must be repositioned to respond to an era of partisanship and distrust. We present a set of considerations for repositioning the literacies to focus on critique and creation of media in support of a common good, and that can respond meaningfully in an era of spreadability, connectivity, and spectacle.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Koukoutsaki-Monnier

This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 95
Author(s):  
Sa’diyah El Adawiyah ◽  
Aida Vitayala Hubeis ◽  
Titik Sumarti ◽  
Djoko Susanto

ABSTRACT                 Direct elections open opportunities for various layers of society, especially women, to color the direction of local democracy. The presence of women as regional heads is one strategy for the birth of a more gender-equitable policy. The efforts of women to achieve political leadership in the regions are not easy. Many factors influence women in gaining regional leadership. Therefore it is important and relevant to examine how the political communication process that women build in achieving regional leadership. The aim of the study was to identify and analyze the role of regional leaders as political communicators in local politics, and to identify the media and political communication channels used by regional leaders in gaining regional leadership. In addition, it is to formulate a political communication strategy for regional leaders in gaining regional leadership. The methodology of this study uses qualitative phenomenological approaches. The results showed that the role of regional leaders as political communicators in local politics had a lot to color the local political map, both at the provincial and district / city levels, although it was not proportional to the total number of regional heads and mandates of existing regulations. The communication channel or media commonly used by female regional leaders in this study is to use a communication and group communication approach, both directly through face-to-face meetings and through digital social media currently available. The use of the media channel was felt effective in introducing themselves, increasing the popularity and electability of female leaders in the area. The political communication strategy of women leaders in reaching regional leadership has three stages, namely networking strategies, message packaging strategies and media determination strategies.Keywords: female leaders, political communication, media channels, communication strategies ABSTRAK Pilkada langsung membuka peluang pada berbagai lapisan masyarakat terutama kaum perempuan untuk ikut mewarnai arah demokrasi lokal. Kehadiran perempuan sebagai kepala daerah merupakan salah satu strategi bagi lahirnya kebijakan yang lebih adil gender. Upaya perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan politik di daerah bukanlah hal yang mudah. Banyak faktor yang memengaruhi perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Oleh karena itu menjadi penting dan relevan untuk mengkaji bagaimana proses komunikasi politik yang dibangun perempuan dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Tujuan penelitian adalah mengidentifikasi dan menganalisis peranan perempuan pemimpin daerah sebagai komunikator politik dalam politik lokal, serta mengidentifikasi media dan saluran komunikasi politik yang digunakan perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Selain itu adalah merumuskan strategi komunikasi politik perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah. Metodologi penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif dengan pendekatan fenomenologi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa peranan perempuan pemimpin daerah sebagai komunikator politik dalam politik lokal telah banyak mewarnai peta politik lokal, baik di tingkat provinsi maupun kabupaten/kota, walaupun belum proporsional dengan jumlah keseluruhan kepala daerah dan amanat dari regulasi yang telah ada.  Saluran komunikasi atau media yang umum digunakan oleh pemimpin daerah perempuan dalam penelitian ini adalah dengan menggunakan pendekatan komunikasi dan juga komunikasi kelompok, baik secara langsung melalui pertemuan tatap muka dan melalui media sosial digital yang ada saat ini.  Pemanfaatan saluran media tersebut dirasakan efektif untuk memperkenalkan diri, meningkatkan popularitas dan elektabilitas dari tokoh perempuan pemimpinan daerah tersebut. Strategi komunikasi politik perempuan pemimpin daerah dalam meraih kepemimpinan daerah memiliki tiga tahapan, yaitu strategi membangun jejaring, strategi pengemasan pesan dan strategi penentuan media.Kata Kunci: Pemimpin perempuan, komunikasi politik, saluran media, strategi komunikasi dan daerah


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