scholarly journals Artym Khomyk (1878―1921): stages of life and journalistic activity

2020 ◽  
pp. 329-349
Author(s):  
Olesia Drozdovska
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
The Political ◽  
Jersey City ◽  
Scholarly Research ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Central Council ◽  
Entire Complex ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Right ◽  
Scholarly Discourse

In the article, Artym Khomyk’s linear biography is supplemented by little-known facts about his public and creative activities. The schol arly interest to his writings and journalistic heritage is emphasized, specifically, that of published in the journals «Volia» (Vienna, 1919―1921s) and «Na Perelomi» (Vienna, 1920). Three periods of A. Khomyk’s life and creative activities have been etermined: Galician, Great Ukraine (so-called Naddniprianskyi) and Viennese. His productive journalistic activities in 1917―1918s, yet remaining out of the scholarly discourse, have been noted. It has been elucidated that besides the daily «Vidrodzhennia» (Kyiv, 1918)’s cooperation, he collaborated with newspapers «Nove Slovo» (Vinnytsia, 1918), «Poltavska Hromada» (Poltava, 1918) and «Ukrainska Respublika» (Kyiv, 1918). Approximately 40 authorized journalist’s texts have been identified and introduced into scholarly circulation. It has been accentuated A. Khomyk was the author of unsigned editorials in the daily «Vidrodzhennia». His creative heritage is represented by articles on topical issues of the political, social, economic and cultural life of the UNR (Ukrainian People’s Republic (of the periods of the Ukrainian Central Council and Directory) and the Ukrainian State of Hetman P. Skoropadsky. It has been established that his brother, the journalist Oleksandr Khomyk’s contributions, was published (under the pseudonym «A. Zhabchenko») in the newspaper «Ukrainska Trybuna» (Warsaw, 1921). It has been proved that the periodicals «Vilne Zhyttia» (Odessa), «Narodna Volia» (Olyphant), «Svoboda» (Jersey City), «Ukrainskyi Holos» (Winnipeg), «L’Europe Orientale» (Paris) featured reprints of the A. Khomyk’s publications from the daily «Vidrodzhennia» and the weekly «Volia». During the Viennese period, besides contributing to the magazines «Volia» and «Na Perelomi», he collaborated with the magazine «Smikh» (probably his publications were signed by the pseudonym «A. Nekhomyk ») and the newspaper «Borotba». A. Khomyk is one of the many figures of the Ukrainian journalism giving all their creative energy to help the audience to gain guidance in the turbulent developments of that period and to choose the right vector for the development of Ukrainian statehood during the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917―1921s. The entire complex of his journalistic and publicistic heritage deserves being an object of separate scholarly research. Keywords: Artym Khomyk, linear biography, journalistic and publicistic activities, newspapers «Vidrodzhennia», «Nove Slovo», «Poltavska Hromada», «Ukrainska Respublika».

scholarly journals El "molesto" derecho de manifestación

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Manuel Goig Martínez
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
The State ◽  
Free Expression ◽  
The Political ◽  
Great Caution ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right

La participación de los ciudadanos en la vida política, social, económica o cultural del Estado constituye uno de los elementos definidores del Estado Social y democrático de Derecho, y esta participación no sólo se ejerce en los procesos electorales, sino que admite diversas vertientes, una de las cuales es a través del ejercicio del derecho de manifestación. La libertad de manifestarse, por lo molesta que es, y porque afecta al ejercicio de otros derechos o libertades, debe estar sometida a determinadas limitaciones, pero éstas deben de adoptarse con gran cautela, puesto que la imposibilidad de manifestación afecta directamente a los derechos de libre expresión y de asociación, a los que está íntimamente unida.The participation of citizens in the political, social, economic or cultural life of the State constitutes one of the setters of the Social and democratic State of law, and this participation is not only exercised in electoral processes, but it manifests itself in various ways, one of which is through the exercise of the right to demonstrate. The freedom to demonstrate, the annoying thing is, and that affects the exercise of other rights and freedoms, should be subject to certain restrictions, but these must be taken with great caution, since the impossibility of manifestation directly affects the rights of free expression and Association, to which it is closely linked.

AFTER THE STORM: In the Wake of Katrina

2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-158
Author(s):  
Michael C. Dawson ◽  
Lawrence D. Bobo
Keyword(s):  
Hurricane Katrina ◽  
New Orleans ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Gulf Coast ◽  
The Political ◽  
Large Share ◽  
Loss Of Life ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Many ◽  
The City

By the time you read this issue of the Du Bois Review, it will be nearly a year after the disaster caused by Hurricane Katrina swept the Gulf Coast and roiled the nation. While this issue does not concentrate on the disaster, (the next issue of the DBR will be devoted solely to research on the social, economic, and political ramifications of the Katrina disaster), the editors would be amiss if we did not comment on an event that once again exposed the deadly fault lines of the American racial order. The loss of the lives of nearly 1500 citizens, the many more tens of thousands whose lives were wrecked, and the destruction of a major American city as we know it, all had clear racial overtones as the story unfolded. Indeed, the racial story of the disaster does not end with the tragic loss of life, the disruption of hundred of thousands of lives, nor the physical, social, economic, and political collapse of an American urban jewel. The political map of the city of New Orleans, the state of Louisiana (and probably Texas), and the region is being rewritten as the large Black and overwhelmingly Democratic population of New Orleans was dispersed out of Louisiana, with states such as Texas becoming the perhaps permanent recipients of a large share of the evacuees.

scholarly journals Constitutionalized But Not Constitute: The Case of Right to Social Security in Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 241
Author(s):  
Stefanus Hendrianto
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Social Security ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Theoretical Frameworks ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

Previous studies on the development of socio-economic rights in Indonesia heavily focus on the Constitutional Court’s decisions in upholding the rights. But there is still minimum study on the political economy behind the development of socio-economic rights in Indonesia. This article will analyze the development of socio-economic rights through the lenses of the right to social security. This article relies on two major theoretical frameworks to analyze the development of the right to social security in Indonesia. The first theoretical framework is the authoritarian constitutionalism in the economic sphere. The second theoretical framework in this article is Kathrine Young’s theory of the construction of socio-economic rights. This article postulates that the rights to social security has been constitutionalized but not constituted in Indonesia for several reasons. First, and foremost, the legacy of authoritarian constitutionalism that prioritizing economic growth over the fulfilment of social economic rights. The “growth” ideology has contributed to the discrepancy between the constitution and reality, in which the government merely considers protection of socio-economic rights as extra cost, which will hamper the growth of the economy. Second, the lack of philosophical and comparative analysis in the interpretation of rights to social security. Third, the transformation of the Court as a detached court in the enforcement of the rights to social security. The element of detachment is clearly seen in the Court’s too much deferral to the Executive and Legislative branches in defining the scope and meaning of the right to social security. Finally, the failure of social movement to create a new narrative on injustice and the importance of rights to social security.

scholarly journals KEBIJAKAN RUANG PUBLIK PEREMPUAN DI SAUDI ARABIA: Benarkah Sebuah Agenda Politik Double Interest?

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatkhur Roji
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Saudi Arabian ◽  
Political Interest ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Competition ◽  
Interesting Phenomenon ◽  
Crown Prince ◽  
The Right

<p>The emergence of the Saudi government's policy of allowing women to drive alone these days has become an interesting phenomenon to be examined, since before they forbid women to drive without a <em>mahram.</em> Since the appointment of the crown prince Salman bin Abdul Aziz, the Saudi government appears more dynamic and moderate. This new policy is in place to promote the development of the country with and to give women the right to participate freely in it. Observers see this as a political agenda of government, where with the political interest is expected Saudi Arabia can compete in the increasingly tight global economic competition. This article examines the policies of the Saudi Arabian government thoroughly from a social, economic, and political standpoint.</p><p>Munculnya kebijakan pemerintahan Saudi Arabia yang membolehkan perempuan untuk berkendara sendiri akhir-akhir ini menjadi fenomena yang menarik untuk diteliti, sebab sebelumnya mereka melarang perempuan berkendara tanpa mahram. Semenjak diangkatnya putera mahkota Salman bin Abdul Aziz, pemerintahan Saudi tampil lebih dinamis dan moderat. Kebijakan baru ini diberlakukan untuk meningkatkan perkembangan negara dengan dan untuk memberikan hak terhadap perempuan agar dapat berperan bebas di dalamnya. Para pengamat melihat ini sebagai agenda politik pemerintahan, dimana dengan kepentingan politik tersebut diharapkan Saudi Arabia dapat ikut bersaing dalam kompetisi ekonomi global yang semakin ketat. Artikel ini mengamati kebijakan pemerintah Saudi Arabia ini secara menyeluruh dari sudut pandang sosial, ekonomi, dan politik.</p>

scholarly journals Social and political role of ulema in Al-AndalusPapel social y politico de los ulemas en Al-Andalus

2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 3492
Author(s):  
Lütfi Şeyban
Keyword(s):  
Social Economic ◽  
Educational Background ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Great Role ◽  
Personal Traits ◽  
Political Role ◽  
Cultural Life ◽  
Cultural Components

The resources containing information about the Islamic scholars including their identity, personal traits, educational background, and educational institutions where they were raised, their own masters and scholars and their disciples are labelled as tabakât or a’lâm books. The records of scholars in Andalusian tabakât books furnish us with detailed information as to the concept of learning and education prevalent in Spain under the influence of Andalusian or Islamic culture in addition to providing invaluable information about the political, social, economic, and especially cultural life at that period.The rich Islamic lifestyle prevalent in the Islamic Spain with all its components is known to have acquired remarkable characteristics thanks to the effect and contribution of cultural components of Iberian Peninsula. The scholars played a great role in the formation of such a diversified and rich social environment in all respects as they did in all other aspects of Andalusian culture. ResumenEn la historia del Islam, las fuentes de las que obtenemos datos sobre la identidad, la personalidad, la vida escolar, los lugares de formación, los tutores y discípulos de los ulemas se denominan libros de tabakát (anales onomásticos biográficos oficiales) o a’lám. Las anotaciones hechas por los ulemas en dichos libros nos ofrecen informaciones concretas sobre la vida intelectual y la educación en Al Ándalus, la España musulmana, además de darnos detalles importantes de la vida política, social, financiera y, especialmente, de la vida cultural de aquella sociedad.Hemos de tener en cuenta el papel que ejercieron los ulemas en todos los ámbitos de la vida andalusí, en todos aquellos asuntos que conciernen íntimamente a los valores, en la vida de las gentes de todas las clases sociales y en la creación de todas las formas y etapas de adquisición de dichos valores.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

Process Philosophy and Political Liberalism

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel A. Dombrowski
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Liberalism ◽  
Reflective Equilibrium ◽  
Process Philosophy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Nonhuman Animals ◽  
Static View ◽  
Process Oriented ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

In this work two key theses are defended: political liberalism is a processual (rather than a static) view and process thinkers should be political liberals. Three major figures are considered (Rawls, Whitehead, Hartshorne) in the effort to show the superiority of political liberalism to its illiberal alternatives on the political right and left. Further, a politically liberal stance regarding nonhuman animals and the environment is articulated. It is typical for debates in political philosophy to be adrift regarding the concept of method, but from start to finish this book relies on the processual method of reflective equilibrium or dialectic at its best. This is the first extended effort to argue for both political liberalism as a process-oriented view and process philosophy/theology as a politically liberal view. It is also a timely defense of political liberalism against illiberal tendencies on both the right and the left.

Palestinian Diaspora Communities in Latin America and Palestinian Statehood

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
South America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Right

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.

he domestic political crisis in the Right-Bank Ukraine in the spring and summer of 1669

2020 ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Bоris N. Florya ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Right

Based on an analysis of sources, the author tries to reconstruct the course of events during the political crisis on the Right Bank, at the center of which was the confrontation between the right-bank hetman P. Doroshenko and his opponent, P. Sukhovey, an elected hetman of the Zaporozhian Sich with the support of the Crimean Khanate. The author shows that the opposition to Doroshenko was significant and was formed as well under the influence of the news about his Turkish citizenship. It was approved by the Korsun Rada, to participate in which the Right-Bank hetman was able to mobilize a significant number of supporters from the Right-Bank foreman. This caused discontent not only among the Cossacks, but also among the Cossack mob in a part of the Right-Bank regiments. Doroshenko’s attempts to get help from the Ottoman Empire were unsuccessful and in the summer his position became threatening: only two Cossack regiments stood on the side of the hetman. Only the arrival of the ambassadors of the Sultan in August 1669, who demanded that the Crimean Khanate stop supporting the opposition to Doroshenko, and the subsequent departure of the Tatars defused the situation and saved the Right-Bank hetman from losing the power. These events, as well as the ensuing similar domestic political crisis in the Right-Bank Ukraine in 1672, demonstrate how shaky the Doroshenko’s position was and how difficult it was for him to maintain the power.

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