scholarly journals THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS IN THE FORMATION OF THE PRINCIPLES OF DEMOCRACY AND CONSTITUTIONALISM

2021 ◽  
Vol 02 (01) ◽  
pp. 190-200
Author(s):  
Kojageldiev A.U. ◽  

This article examines the theoretical concepts of the nature and characteristics of political institutions, organiполитическая системаzational and managerial system and its political aspects and their manifestation in socio-political life, the structure and classification of political institutions, their role in political processes. It shows the essence and forms of the principles of democracy and constitutionalism in harmony with political institutions, their role in political processes, the gradual transformation of society into a democratic civil society, the transformation and modernization of the political system.

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (6) ◽  
pp. 1803-1805
Author(s):  
Dimitar Spaseski

The state has a central place in the political system. Through its structure and positioning the country has the strength to be a unifier of society against its overall division of the various classes and layers, ethnic, cultural and other groups. The legitimacy of all these processes is given by laws that determine the trajectory of all processes and the conditions under which the processes take place. The state, by adopting the highest legal acts such as: the constitution and the laws, achieves one of its most important functions, which is the management of society. The state directs society to promote development, but also punishes and sanction infringements and mistakes. Depending on who exercises power in the state, i.e. whether it belongs to the people, to an individual or to a powerful group, the political system can be determined. The political system in itself includes the overall state relations, the relations in society and the guidelines for the conduct of the policy of the state. A state in which the government is elected by the people through direct elections certainly fulfills the basic requirement for the development of a stable civil society. The political system is one of the sub-systems of the entire civil society. The political system is specific in that all the activities and relations of which it is composed are directed to the state and its functions. The structure of the political system is composed of political and legal norms, political knowledge, political culture and political structure. These elements confirm the strong relationship between the state, the law and the political system. Developed democratic societies can talk about a developed political system that abounds with political culture and democracy. It is the aspiration of our life. Investing in democratic societies we invest in the future of our children. If we separate the subjects of the political system, we will determine that the people are the basis of the political system. All competencies intertwine around people. Political systems are largely dependent not only on the political processes that take place in them every day, but also on the economic performance and the economic power of the states. Economic stagnation or regression in some countries often threatens democracy and its values. We often forget that we cannot speak of the existence of a functioning and well-organized democratic political system without its strong economic support. In conditions of globalization, it is necessary to pay special attention to international positions as the main factor of the political system, for the simple reason that the functions of the state in this process are increasingly narrowing.


Author(s):  
Mason W. Moseley

The fifth chapter introduces the case of Argentina, a country where protest has taken root as a common characteristic of everyday political life over the past two decades. The chapter begins by analyzing the history of protest from Carlos Menem’s election in 1989 to the current Fernández de Kirchner government, arguing that it has indeed crystallized as a routine form of political participation in this regime. I attribute this trend to the weakness of political institutions and strength of Argentine civil society: the two pillars of the protest state. I then proceed to utilize survey data and protest events count data to support this argument, demonstrating that not only has protest become more common over the past two decades, but that it has consolidated as a common mode of political voice for Argentine citizens across demographic groups and the political spectrum.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 23-26
Author(s):  
Мельникова ◽  
Raisa Melnikova

The article discusses issues related to referring of local government to the institutions of civil society and its role and place in modern political system of Russia in the context of the study of the principle of democracy at the municipal level. The author proves that in the context of political modernization, the local government and its reform should be viewed not only as economic and technological transformations in the local municipal areas of the state, but as an actor of political reforms, set up in modern political processes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Diana R. Fatykhova ◽  
Alexandr I. Ostroumov ◽  
Olga F. Ostroumova

The article examines the issue of modernization of the political system of Russia. Formation of a democratic political system is an integral part of Russia's modernization strategy. The relevance and objective need to develop an innovative strategy for the modernization of the political sphere of life in Russian society is determined by the inefficiency of existing political institutions, outdated principles, methods, technologies of organization and management, their inconsistency with modern realities, effective resolution of internal problems and global external challenges. The objective meaning of modernization is determined by modern Russian conditions, the nature of issues and contradictions that require their urgent solution.The study purpose is to develop a strategy for the innovative development of the political system of the Russian Federation. Achievement of this goal requires consideration of the basic conditions and contradictions of the modern development of the political system of the Russian Federation, the most important areas and priorities that contribute to its modernization.As a methodological base for the study, the work includes the following approaches and methods: systemic, structural-functional approaches, sociological, logical, historical and comparative methods, as well as analysis of conditions and contradictions that need to be resolved and contribute to the modernization of the political life of modern Russia.As a research result, we came to the following conclusions: 1. Modernization of the political system of the Russian Federation is an objectively necessary process. However, it is not the result of consensus, but a competition between innovators, conservatives and observers. 2. The strategic goal of modernizing the political system of Russian society is to make Russia one of the leading sovereign powers, with a republican democratic form of government, in which a person lives freely and comfortably. 3. Modernization of the political system shall cover the institutional (state, parties), communicative, regulatory and spiritual and ideological subsystems of Russia. 4. The result of democratic modernization of the political system shall be the formation of political institutions that really reflect and express the interests of social groups and strata and contribute to the formation of solidary community. 5. Creation of a system of ideas and values understandable to the majority of the population, and capable of uniting various layers and groups to carry out modernization. 6. As a result of modernization of the political system as a system of determining goals and priorities, the innovative mechanism becomes an inherent attribute of the development of Russian society. This is the strategic goal of modernization in Russia


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Maksym A. Bułachtin

Polish Conservatives and Reform of the Electoral Law of Galicia at the Beginning of XXth CenturySummaryThe democratization of the political system of the Austro-Hungary at the turn of XIXth and XXth century accelerated the process of political changes. In these circumstances Polish conservatives were seriously bothered about the possibility of weakening not only the influence of the great land owners on the political life of Galicia but also diminishing of their role in shaping „Polish policy” in the whole monarchy. Moreover they were anxious about loosing the position of the party in the political life. Nevertheless the Cracow conservatives (so called „Stańczycy”) admitted the need for democratization of the political institutions and the necessity of concessions from the side of the hitherto governing elite. At the same time they wanted to shape the planned reform of the legislation regarding election to the State Parliament of Galicia (in Polish Sejm Krajowy Galicji) in a way that it ensured the political influence, and as a consequence the protection of interests, to the land owners and other rich social groups. The conservatives also aimed at the protection of Polish interests in a multinational Galicia. They wanted to ensure to Polish inhabitants a strong representation in the State Parliament as well as to guarantee election interests to the Polish minority in the Eastern part of the country, where the majority was composed of the Ukrainians. They also anticipated the smoothing and gradual solving of conflicts of nationalist nature in the country. Therefore they were ready for concessions towards the Ukrainian national demands.Dissimilarly, the conservatives of the Eastern Galicia (so called „podolacy”) did not want the democratization of the political system. They tried to prevent the mass political movements from strengthening. They were against broadening the representation of the Ukrainians in the State Parliament. These disparities led to a crisis between the two groups of the Polish conservatives at the beginning of the XXth century. The policy of the latter group did not have perspectives therefore they had to reconcile themselves with the principles of the reform prepared during the period maybe „when a Cracow conservative Michał Bobrzyński was the deputy of Galicia”.


Sociologija ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 400-418
Author(s):  
Irena Fiket ◽  
Gazela Pudar-Drasko

Starting from the findings of previous studies, whose results speak of the distrust of Serbian citizens in political institutions and political actors, low turnout and general passivity and apathy of citizens, the authors deal with the understanding of non-institutional political participation in Serbia. The paper starts from the assumption that the stated indicators pointing to the withdrawal of Serbian citizens from political life do not necessarily represent part of the same phenomenon. Namely, the authors believe that it is necessary to distinguish between the assumptions of institutional and non-institutional civic participation. On the one hand, the authors start from the thesis that high trust in institutions can actually negatively affect the need of citizens to mobilize in order to influence institutions. At the same time, citizens may be inclined to participate in political life through non-institutional channels if they posses a developed sense of internal political efficiency, which is not necessary related to the responsiveness of the political system.


2021 ◽  
pp. 156-163
Author(s):  
E. N. Shchegolev

The research is devoted to the topic of forming a political infrastructure for the safe development of municipalities, creating technologies for attracting political infrastructure participants to the development and assessment of alternatives for the optimal development of territories.We set ourselves the goal of showing territorial public self-government as a tool for increasing the openness of political decision-making and public confidence in the authorities, and identifying the transformational potential of digital technologies in the context of territorial public self-government.The methodological basis of the research was provided by such theories as: the information cybernetic model of the political system of K. Deutsch, the theory of the political system of D. Easton, the theory of deliberative democracy by J. Besset, the theory of direct democracy I. Blo, model of monitor (digital) democracy by J. Keane.The main results of this study are the following:1) the author’s definition of the concept of “digitalization” was introduced — this is a process of radical transformation of the interaction of people in all spheres of social life, the implementation of which became possible on the basis of replacing analog (physical) data collection and processing systems with new technological systems that generate, transmit and process a digital signal about your condition. This transformation presupposes the formation of a different outlook of citizens, the use of other methods of management;2) the author’s definition of the concept of “political infrastructure” is introduced — these are the types of connections between the elements of the political system. Different types of ties form various modifications of political institutions, they determine the contours of political communications carried out in the political space, including using various political technologies to influence the behavior of political forces.3) in the context of digitalization, interactive interaction of participants in the political process, the very configuration of the political infrastructure for the development of territories is changing, the political toolkit of dialogue between the authorities and society is changing, implying an increasingly widespread use of technologies to involve participants in political processes in the development and assessment of alternatives for optimal territorial development.


Author(s):  
Sergii Savchenko ◽  
Vitalii Kurylo

The article deals with the analysis of the problem of patriotic education in the process of youth socialization in conditions of hybrid warfare. Based on their own personal many-years’ experience as educators and top-officials of the higher educational establishment which had been displaced from the military zone in the east of Ukraine and implementing a number of sociological methods of research, the authors state that patriotism can essentially influence the formation of an individual’s political culture in general identifying his attitude to the history, traditions and religious preferences of his nation, to the evaluation of the nation’s place and role in the modern world. The authors arrive at the conclusion that patriotism determines political orientations of an individual towards the political institutions of a society, towards a political system as well as towards an individual’s personal participation in the political life. A special emphasis is made on the idea that in modern Ukraine which actually faces Russia’s hybrid warfare in Donbas, patriotism serves as the most important value which does not only integrate a social potential of an individual but also his spiritual, moral and cultural potentials.


1968 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-269
Author(s):  
André Vachet

Division of power and social integrationExplanation of some of the recent challenges to western democracy may be found in a re-examination of Montesquieu's thought. Here we find the theory of the separation of power to be far more complex than is implied in the simple divisions of legislature, executive, and judiciary. For Montesquieu, the separation of power is more a social division than a political or juridical one. He contemplated returning the organs of political power to various social forces, e.g. monarchy, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie, and that then the self-assertion of forces would be restrained by the resistance of other social groups. The realization of its goals would require every important social group to integrate itself both to society and to the state and to seek its goals through realization of the general good.Since Montesquieu's time, political structures would seem to have been very little changed even though social structures have been greatly altered by the rise of economic powers. Political institutions have been losing touch with the vital forces of society and these have had to find other channels of expression. The personalization of power, the rise of the executive, violence, and increasing paternalism may be viewed as phenomena of compensation by which attempts are being made to bridge the gap between the structures of political power and those of a society which has been restructured.Revigoration of parliamentary democracy would seem to require that all vital social forces be reintegrated into the political system and be given meaningful channels of political expression. Failure to make such changes opens the way to identification of the political powers with technocracy and the increasing general use of violence in the resolution of social problems.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


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