scholarly journals The Independence Process of Bulgaria and the First Ambassador of the Ottoman Empire to Sofia, Mustafa Asım Bey

Belleten ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 85 (304) ◽  
pp. 1073-1104
Author(s):  
Abidin Temizer

In this study, the reaction of the Ottoman Empire to the declaration of independence of Bulgaria, the first ambassador of the Ottoman Empire in Bulgaria, Mustafa Asım Bey and his activities are discussed. The study examines the diplomatic activities of the Ottoman Empire against Bulgaria in the period between the autonomy process of Bulgaria and the independence process, the process of recognition of Bulgaria’s independence, the diplomatic relations established with Bulgaria, the biography of Mustafa Asım Bey, the first Ambassador of the Ottoman Empire to Sofia, and his approach to the problems between the two countries. In the article, documents from the Ottoman Archive of Directorate of State Archives (BOA), documents from the Bulgarian State Archives, periodicals and literature were used.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iryna Matiash

The article offers an insight into the foundations and main directions of work of the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Istanbul through the prism of the personalities of its leaders. The author paid particular attention to the problems that Ukrainians had to face at the first stage of the formation of Ukrainian-Turkish diplomatic relations. The article was prepared on the basis of archival information contained in documents, which are mainly stored in the Central State Archives of the High Authorities and Administration of Ukraine. The results of studies of Ukrainian and Turkish scientists are taken into account. Based on the documents revealed and historiography, it was stated that the activity of the first Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Turkey lasted more than three years. During April 1918 – June 1922, there were five heads of the diplomatic mission, namely Mykola Levytskyi, Mykhailo Sukovkin, Oleksandr Lototskyi, Jan Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz, Lev Lisniak, each of whom exerted best of their strengths, intelligence and devotion to the national idea to implement the state mission. Mykhailo Sukovkin inflicted harm on the image of Ukraine maintaining contacts within the White Guard and demonstrating a non-Ukrainian position. The author states that the main areas of activity of the diplomatic mission were to establish political and economic relations, disseminate truthful information about Ukraine, achieve recognition of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church by the Ecumenical Patriarchate, popularize and institutionalise the idea of the Black Sea Union, organise aid to Ukrainian prisoners of war and refugees in Istanbul, form them into Ukrainian army units. The termination of the activities of the Embassy of the UPR was the result of the signing of interstate treaties between Turkey and the RSFSR and the Ukrainian SSR in 1922. The mutual diplomatic presence of the UPR and the Ottoman Empire in 1918 and the extension of the stay of the Ukrainian diplomatic mission in Istanbul in June 1922 give grounds to suggest that after the restoration of Ukraine’s state independence in 1991, the Ukrainian-Turkish diplomatic relations were not established but restored. Keywords: Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian State, Embassy of the UPR in the Ottoman Empire, Brest Peace Treaty.


Belleten ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 82 (294) ◽  
pp. 759-762
Author(s):  
Ayşe Bedi̇r

The purpose of this book review is to fulfi ll the absence of comprehensive study on the Turkey-Sweden relations both Sweden and Turkey yet. Turkey-Sweden Relations (1914- 1938) is an original work, which is suitable for scientifi c criteria and prepared as a doctoral thesis, receives the details of the relations of both countries for the fi rst time in detail, and sheds light on the last years of the Ottoman Empire and the early Republican period of Turkey. Very rich sources are used in this work with a simple language and style. As it is seen that in preparation of the book the sources of the foreign archives and local archives such as Sveria Riksarkivet (Sweden State Archives), Sveria Krigsarkivet (Sweden Military Archives), Kungliga Bibliotek (Sweden Royal Library), Uppsala University, Carolina Rediviva Library, The National Archives (London), League of Nations Photo Archive, Prime Ministry Republican Archives, Prime Ministry Ottoman Archives, Red Crescent Archives, Presidency Archive, Foreign Ministry Archives, Istanbul Sea Museum Archive, Turkish Revolution History Institute Archives have been used. Additionally, the book uses domestic and foreign literature, newspapers and magazines.


Author(s):  
Blerina Rexha

Historical works produced by Kosovars are currently at the centre of diplomatic concerns. Today Turkey is one of Kosovo’s closest allies, but Turkish scholars and government officials are particularly critical of the way the history of the Ottoman Empire is being taught in Kosovo’s schools. In this article I consider how Pan-Slavic ideologies have influenced the writing of Kosovar Albanian histories, particularly during theYugoslav socialist era. I draw on research concerning the relationship between bias in historical textbooks and international conflict. Exploring examples of historical literature currently being taught in Kosovo’s primary and secondary schools, I analyse the discourses espoused by Kosovar historians in depicting the history of the Ottoman Empire. I argue that some of the Turkish criticisms are valid and hence there is need to revise historical texts used in Kosovo’s schools. In particular, there is a need to provide more objective accounts of Kosovar Albanian history in classrooms, especially as regards anti-Ottomanism and the Pan-Slavism. The amendment of Kosovar historical texts in schools would not only provide students with a more accurate and informed interpretation of the past, but also contribute to efforts seeking to improve diplomatic relations.


Author(s):  
Rudina Mita

In the years 1912-1924, Albania was the place in which were four religions: Islam, Orthodox, Catholic and Bectashi. The ideological, political, cultural, educational movement known as the Albanian National Renaissance, (`30 years of the XIX century until 1912 with the declaration of independence of Albania), it devoted an important attention of the political unity of Albanians face as chauvinistic platforms like Megaliideja and Narcetania. present at the time and at high risk for Albanians. The objective of these platforms was as much territorial and assimilationist. The equality of nationality and religion was an idea which was becoming bigger; who was turk was a Muslim, who was catholic was Latino, who was greek was Orthodox. Endangered the existence of a nation. Albanian Renaissance before 1912 aimed to find ways and approsiate means that political unity of Albanians does not sullied in front of assimilating platforms. An important political act for albanians was the Declaration of Independence from the Ottoman Empire on 28 XI.1912. In such a decisive moment religious unity should be an important part for the benefit of political unity. The motto of the Renaissance was "The religion of Albanians is Albanianism", which resulted successfully. During these years albanians demonstrate unity and religious tolerance for political unification. Among the facts that demonstrated this thing mentioned: The government proposed by Ismail Qemal (primeminister) in the moments of the declaration of independence was not approved by the Albanian personalities in the assembly of Vlora. As part of its dominant elements of the Muslim faith, being rewritten after the elements of the four religions in Albania. Proof of this religious unity was the Regency, (Supreme Council), in 1920 the functions of Monarch with four personalities of four religious which functioned until 1924. This clearly demonstrates that the Albanians of all religious in front of national interests were unique. Respecting religious affiliations between them.


Author(s):  
Richard C. Hall

Revolts against Ottoman rule erupted in the Balkans in 1875 and in 1876. Wars in which Montenegro, Romania, Russia, and Serbia fought against the Ottoman Empire broke out soon thereafter. While the Montenegrins and Serbs soon suffered defeat, the Russians overcame Ottoman forces on Bulgarian battlefields. The Treaty of San Stefano of 3 March 1878, imposed by the Russians on the Ottomans, proved to be controversial. In an effort to resolve the national issue of southeastern Europe and to replace the contentious Treaty of San Stefano, the European great powers met at Berlin to forge a new settlement. The Treaty of Berlin of 13 July 1878 established a Bulgarian principality under Ottoman suzerainty. Although the Treaty of Berlin satisfied none of the Balkan countries, rivalries among the Balkan peoples over the disposition of Ottoman territories prevented the formation of a united effort against the Ottomans. After the turn of the 20th century, intra-Balkan rivalries intensified, especially over Macedonia. At the same time, Albanians, Muslim Slavs, and Turks sought to effect reforms within the Ottoman Empire. The seizure of power by the Committee for Union and Progress (Young Turks) in Constantinople and their stated intentions to reform the Ottoman Empire initiated a series of events that led to general conflict. In the immediate aftermath of the Young Turk coup, the Austro-Hungarian government announced the formal annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina. Concurrently, Bulgaria made a formal declaration of independence. Concerns that Ottoman reform would thwart their nationalist aspirations led many Albanians to revolt in 1910. Two years later, similar apprehensions led the Bulgarians and the Serbs to put aside their rivalries over Macedonia and conclude an anti-Ottoman alliance. The Greeks and Montenegrins subsequently joined this Balkan League. In October 1912, the Balkan League went to war against the Ottoman Empire. The Balkan armies triumphed on all fronts. On 30 May 1913, the Balkan allies signed a preliminary peace with the Ottomans in London. Shortly thereafter, the Balkan alliance collapsed due to disputes over the disposition of Ottoman territory. On 30 June, the Bulgarians attacked their former Greek and Serbian allies in Macedonia. The Ottomans entered the fray against Bulgaria to regain lost Thracian territory, and the Romanians invaded Bulgaria to seize southern Dobrudja (Dobrudzha). Attacked on all sides, the Bulgarians were forced to sue for peace. These wars left Bulgaria with a sense of national frustration and the Balkan allies and Romania with a feeling of inflated national success. Within three years, all the participants in the Balkan Wars would again be at war.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (9) ◽  
pp. 86-92
Author(s):  
Zumrad Rakhmonkulova ◽  

The article analyzes the political and diplomatic relations of the Ottoman Empire and the Central Asian khanates on the basis of documents from Turkic-language sources introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. An analysis of the Ottoman and Central Asian documents, identified by us in the Turkic-speaking sources, led to the conclusion that initially the ideas of a political union and unification with the Ottoman Empire on the basis of a single religion came from the Central Asian rulers. The revealed materials allow shedding light on the history of relations between the Ottoman Empire and the Central Asian khanates in the first half of the 19th -early 20th centuries. On the basis of previously unknown documents, the course and chronology of relations between the Central Asian states and the Ottoman Empire are considered, their assessment is given through the prism of the ideological ideas about the place of religion in the life of society


Belleten ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 70 (259) ◽  
pp. 903-918
Author(s):  
Himmet Umunç

Since the early 1990s, there has been a great deal of serious in-depth research on the Elizabethan dramatist Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593), whereby his historically admitted career and connection with Shakespeare have been revisited, and consequently a comprehensive controversy among Marlowe students has risen with regards to a wide range of issues including his involvement in Elizabeth's secret service. Historically, it is true that, while he was a student at Cambridge from 1580 to 1587, he was secretly recruited to become an agent and, thus, from 1583 onwards, was sent abroad on secret missions; hence, his frequent and prolonged absences from his studies at the university. His espionage activities and their geographies have always been a mystery except his visits to France and, perhaps, to other Catholic countries. In this context, if one recalls that the first diplomatic relations between the Ottoman Empire and Elizabeth's England were officially established in 1583 when William Harborne was appointed the first English ambassador to the Ottoman court, it was also of vital importance for Elizabeth's government to secure the Ottoman support and alliance against the growing Spanish and Catholic threat. Therefore, Harborne's appointment was a timely political and diplomatic manoeuvre, and evidently a close watch on Ottoman politics and international relations came to the fore as a serious and vitally important exigency. Indeed, besides the regular staff of Harborne's embassy, three "gentlemen," who may have been assigned special missions, also accompanied him. Could one of them be Marlowe? It is hard to be specific and certain in the absence of documented evidence. However, given the Turkish contents and references of Marlowe's Tamburlaine the Great and The Jew of Malta, one can argue that he was fully familiar with Turkey and Turkish history and that some of the names and material in these plays seem to indicate his first-hand knowledge in this respect. So, through reference to some historical facts and a close textual study of the Turkish material in these two plays, this article is an attempt to demonstrate Marlowe's direct connection with Turkey and, thus, to argue that he must have visited this country in his capacity as Elizabeth's secret agent.


Slavic Review ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-271
Author(s):  
Hugh Ragsdale

In the summer of 1986, I spent a month working very successfully in the archives of the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Istoriko-diplomaticheskoe upravlenie, Ministerstvo inostrannykh del), and both the relative rarity of the experience and the significance of the materials preserved there warrant a brief report. Arkhiv vneshnei politiki Rossii (AVPR) is administered by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, unlike the records of all other prcrevolutionary ministries, which are held by state archives under Glavnoe arkhivnoe upravlenie pri Sovctc ministrov SSSR.I was doing research on the Greek project of Catherine II, the notorious scheme whereby she planned to share with Joseph II the partition of the Ottoman Empire and perhaps to reestablish the old Greek or East Roman Empire under her grandson Constantine. The materials I read consisted primarily of St. Petersburg's diplomatic correspondence with Paris, Vienna, and Constantinople during the 1780s. I had prepared for the research in Moscow by working in the analogous correspondence of the Archives du Ministére des Affaires étrangéres (Quai d'Orsay) in Paris and the Haus-, Hof-, und Staatsarchiv in Vienna during preceding summers. In Moscow, I was given a generous abundance of material to read, including twenty-nine volumes of the correspondence with Paris, thirty-three volumes of correspondence with Vienna, and eight volumes of correspondence with Constantinople. Much of the material was invaluable, and some of it was entirely new to historical research. The quality of the information, however, was far from uniformly distributed.


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