Lorenz von Stein und Hermann Heller als Ahnherren des deutschen Sozialstaats. Soziales Königtum und sozialer Rechtsstaat im Dienste der Freiheit

Der Staat ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-454
Author(s):  
Joshua Folkerts

Lorenz von Stein und Hermann Heller können als Ahnherren des deutschen Sozialstaats verstanden werden. Ausgehend von einem hegelschen Staatsbegriff sind ihre Theorien vom Prinzip der Freiheit geleitet, das als Bedingung und als Ziel staatlicher Fürsorge dient. Im Kontext der Revolutionen von 1848 diagnostiziert Stein eine soziale Spaltung, welche für ihn die Gefahr eines immerwährenden Kriegs zwischen den Klassen birgt. In der Folge entwickelt er seine Theorie des sozialen Königtums, das die freie Selbstverwirklichung aller Bürger befördern soll. Heller führt die Instabilität der Weimarer Demokratie auf eine zu große soziale Heterogenität zurück, die er auf ökonomische Ungleichheit zurückführt. Durch die Weiterentwicklung des liberalen Staats zu einem sozialen Rechtsstaat soll die Integration aller Bürger in Staat, Nation und Kulturgemeinschaft ermöglicht werden. Lorenz von Stein and Hermann Heller can be understood as forefathers of the German welfare state. Based on a Hegelian concept of the state, their theories are guided by the principle of liberty that serves as condition and as goal of state welfare. In the context of the 1848 revolutions, Stein diagnoses a social division that could lead to perpetual war between the classes. Consequently, he develops his theory of social kingship, which serves to promote the free self-actualization of all citizens. Heller attributes the instability of Weimar democracy to excessive social heterogeneity caused by economic inequality. By developing the liberal state into a social constitutional state, he seeks to enable the integration of all citizens into state, nation and cultural community.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 337
Author(s):  
Agus Riwanto ◽  
Seno Wibowo Gumbira

According to the constitution, the state concept in constitutional practice can be divided into two opposite poles, namely welfare and liberal state. They have different characteristics in which the first concept (welfare state) requires a strong and extensive state functions to regulate an economic justice, on the contrary the second concept (liberal state) relies on the free market economy which state’s role should be marginalized. Sosio-legal research is used in this article. Based on the Article 33 of Indonesian post constitutional amendment of 1945, Indonesia embraced the concept of welfare state. Yet, the practice sociologically tends to embrace a liberal state that is not suitable with the welfare of the people. There are challenges, in the context of liberal state, faced by Indonesia, such as applying the capitalist economic system. We may fight the capitalist economic system by two legal policy, namely: first one, we may re-create the role of state functions as a controller and regulator of the economy. The second one, we may increase the state income through taxes along with the higher social spending to achieve the social welfare and economic justice.Keywords: welfare state, the constitution of 1945, legal policy


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Celina Tri Siwi Kristiyanti

Rise of globalization has a positive impact but also has a negative impact on all sectors, particularly law enforcement in Indonesia. Law enforcement practice continues without an adequate basis resulting in injustice. Efforts are needed as preventive and curative measures That is Pancasila Justice manifestation strengthening law enforcement in the contemporary era. That is normative research method with a philosophical approach, approach to the concept and approach to the case. Results obtained that law enforcement must prioritize the implementation of the noble values of Pancasila which leads to the achievement of equitable realization of the state (welfare state).Keywords : Pancasila Justice, Law Enforcement, Contemporary Era.INTISARIDerasnya arus globalisasi memiliki dampak positif namun juga memiliki dampak negatif terhadap semua sektor, khususnya penegakan hukum di Indonesia. Praktik penegakan hukum juga terus berlangsung tanpa landasan yang memadai sehingga mengakibatkan ketidakadilan. Maka diperlukan upaya sebagai langkah preventif dan kuratif yakni penguatan manifestasi Keadilan Pancasila dalam penegakan hukum di era kontemporer. Metode penelitian yakni yuridis normatif dengan pendekatan filosofis, pendekatan konsep dan pendekatan kasus. Hasil yang diperoleh bahwa penegakan hukum harus mengedepankan pelaksanaan nilai-nilai luhur Pancasila yang bermuara pada pencapaian terwujudnya negara berkeadilan (welfare state).Kata Kunci : Keadilan Pancasila, Penegakan Hukum, Era Kontemporer.1 Korespondensi


Genealogy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Rosalind Edwards ◽  
Val Gillies

We draw upon a ‘small history’ of one family to throw light on lived experience of welfare in the past, and consider how it may provide some glimpses into what Britain’s current economy of welfare trajectory could mean, where the state welfare safety net has holes and an ad hoc charitable safety net is being constructed beneath them. Using archived case notes from the Charity Organisation Society across the interwar period to the comprehensive welfare state, we discuss one family’s negotiation of poverty and the fragmented economy of welfare involving nascent state provision and a safety net of myriad charitable bodies, and the need to be judged as respectable and worthy. While lived experience of inequalities of assessment criteria, provision and distribution provide some indication for the potential trajectory of contemporary welfare in Britain, towards fragmented localised settlements, the small history also reveals a muted story of alternatives and reliability.


Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (28) ◽  
pp. 286
Author(s):  
Carina PESCAROLO ◽  
Soraia Paulino MARCHI

RESUMO O presente artigo tem por finalidade analisar com base na pesquisa bibliográfica se é aplicável o Estado de bem-estar social no Brasil e se pode ser efetivo. Discorre sobre como se originaram o Estado liberal (burguês) e o Estado social ou de providência (intervencionista), posicionando-os na história, tanto das revoluções quanto das crises que os embasaram, traçando seus conceitos, características, aplicação e crises. Buscar demonstrar o contexto histórico, com base nas Constituições brasileiras, desde a imperial de 1824 até a democrática de 1988, a origem do Estado de bem-estar social no Brasil, até que ponto tem respaldo para ser aplicado, se pode ser efetivo ou não. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Estado liberal; Estado do bem-estar social; Estado social; Estado de providência; Brasil. ABSTRACTThe purpose of this article is to analyze, based on bibliographical research, whether the State of social welfare in Brazil is applicable and can be effective. It discusses how the liberal (bourgeois) state and the social or providential state (interventionist) originated, placing them in the history of both the revolutions and the crises that underpinned them, tracing their concepts, characteristics, application and crises. Seeking to demonstrate the historical context, based on the Brazilian Constitutions, from the imperial of 1824 to the democratic of 1988, the origin of the welfare state in Brazil, to what extent has support to be applied, whether it can be effective or not . KEYWORDS: Liberal state; State of social welfare; Social state; State of providence; Brazil.


2020 ◽  
pp. 239-251
Author(s):  
Gabrielė Taminskaitė

This article analyses the rapport between the concepts of the welfare state and the social state. It also reveals the diversity of theoretical typologies of the welfare state and their significance in assessing the status of a country as a welfare state. By analysing the Lithuanian constitutional jurisprudence and legal doctrine, this article seeks to reveal Lithuania’s status as a welfare state, its origin and the connection with solidarity as an essential principle in the implementation of social rights nowadays and in the future.


2019 ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rostislav I. Kapeliushnikov

Using published estimates of inequality for two countries (Russia and USA) the paper demonstrates that inequality measuring still remains in the state of “statistical cacophony”. Under this condition, it seems at least untimely to pass categorical normative judgments and offer radical political advice for governments. Moreover, the mere practice to draw normative conclusions from quantitative data is ethically invalid since ordinary people (non-intellectuals) tend to evaluate wealth and incomes as admissible or inadmissible not on the basis of their size but basing on whether they were obtained under observance or violations of the rules of “fair play”. The paper concludes that a current large-scale ideological campaign of “struggle against inequality” has been unleashed by left-wing intellectuals in order to strengthen even more their discursive power over the public.


Author(s):  
Jordanna Bailkin

This chapter asks how refugee camps transformed people as well as spaces, altering the identities of the individuals and communities who lived in and near them. It considers how camps forged and fractured economic, religious, and ethnic identities, constructing different kinds of unity and disunity. Camps had unpredictable effects on how refugees and Britons thought of themselves, and how they saw their relationship to upward and downward mobility. As the impoverished Briton emerged more clearly in the imagination of the welfare state, the refugee was his constant companion and critic. The state struggled to determine whether refugees required the same care as the poor, or if they warranted their own structures of aid.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Hüther ◽  
Matthias Diermeier

Abstract Can the rise of populism be explained by the growing chasm between rich and poor? With regard to Germany, such a causal relationship must be rejected. Income distribution in Germany has been very stable since 2005, and people’s knowledge on actual inequality and economic development is limited: inequality and unemployment are massively overestimated. At the same time, a persistently isolationist and xenophobic group with diverse concerns and preferences has emerged within the middle classes of society that riggers support for populist parties. This mood is based on welfare chauvinism against immigration rather than on a general criticism of distribution. Since the immigration of recent years will inevitably affect the relevant indicators concerning distribution, an open, cautious but less heated approach is needed in the debate on the future of the welfare state. In order to address and take the local concerns of citizens seriously, an increased exchange with public officials on the ground is needed.


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