scholarly journals Partie tworzące koalicję Zjednoczonych Patriotów (2016− 2019) wobec mniejszości tureckiej i Republiki Turcji

2021 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 269-285
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Fijołek-Kwaśniewska
Keyword(s):  
Radical Right ◽  
National Front ◽  
The Third ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
National Movement ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

The aim of this paper is to identify the individual political elements of the United Patriots’ coalition. The nationalist electoral alliance formed in 2016 by Attack, the IMRO -Bulgarian National Movement and National Front for the Salvation of Bulgaria took a part of the third Boyko Borissov government. Starting this new partnership with the populist radical right, the GER B has resigned from promoting EU values, including minorities’ rights, much more than before. This coalition established xenophobia and making racists statements as a standard of Bulgarian parliamentary discussion. Its attitude towards the Turkish minority in Bulgaria and the Republic of Turkey shows hostility and prejudice.

“Defend your right!” How the populist radical right uses references to rights and freedoms to discursively construct identities

2021 ◽  
pp. 2336825X2110529
Author(s):  
Alexander Alekseev
Keyword(s):  
Radical Right ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Economic Rights ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
The People ◽  
Marine Le Pen ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Right ◽  
Discourse Historical Approach

The article explores how the European populist radical right uses references to rights and freedoms in its political discourse. By relying on the findings of the existing research and applying the discourse-historical approach to electoral speeches by Marine Le Pen and Jarosław Kaczyński, the leaders of two very dissimilar EU PRR parties, the Rassemblement National and the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, the article abductively develops a functional typology of references to rights and freedoms commonly used in discourses of European PRR parties: it suggests that PRR discourses in Europe feature references to the right to sovereignty, citizens’ rights, social rights, and economic rights. Such references are used as a coherent discursive strategy to construct social actors following the PRR ideological core of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. As the PRR identifies itself with the people, defined along nativist and populist lines, rights are always attributed to it. The PRR represents itself as the defender of the people and its rights, while the elites and the aliens are predicated to threaten the people and its rights. References to rights in PRR discourses intrinsically link the individual with the collective, which allows to construct and promote a populist model of ethnic democracy.

THE ‘MILCH-COW STATE’ REVISITED: REPUBLICAN POLITICS IN THE AVEYRON

2005 ◽  
Vol 48 (3) ◽  
pp. 743-768 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN SIMPSON
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
Alternative Conception ◽  
The Third ◽  
Local Services ◽  
Material Benefits ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Impact

This article examines the ‘republicanization’ of the Aveyron under the Third Republic, exploring issues of the practice and meaning of politics in this rural département. I look at the impact of the Republic's efforts to secularize education and ask on what grounds a département that emphatically rejected the secular/anti-clerical programme of the Republic could nonetheless eventually vote republican. This opens up questions of peasant understandings of politics. In particular I refer to the work of P. M. Jones who has written on this area, attributing republican success to the material benefits offered by the ‘milch-cow state’ and forceful administrative intervention. I argue that whilst the action of the Republic was significant, the success of the republicans rested on more than their ability to deliver local services. Republican politics in the Aveyron succeeded in redefining republicanism, arriving at an alternative conception of the Republic that was acceptable to the strongly Catholic and politicized electorate. We need to move away from any ideas of a single opportunist republicanism to realize that there were multiple conceptions of the Republic and a range of local republicanisms forged in relation to the circumstances of the individual French peripheries.

scholarly journals Limited Real Rights of Foreigners in Turkey

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adnan Deynekli
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Trade ◽  
Geographical Region ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Right ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Rate Type ◽  
Real Estates

Foreigner is a person who does not have any citizenship with the Republic of Turkey. According to the third paragraph of Article 35 of the Deed Law, the Council of Ministers/President of the Republic, in the interests of the country, is entitled to define, limit and prohibit, the limited real rights of the foreign real persons and foreign trade companies, in terms of country, person, geographical region, time, number, rate, type, quality, square measurement and amount. To entitle the Council of Ministers/President of the Republic to limit and prohibit the use of limited rights of the foreigners, may be contrary to Article 16 of the Constitution. The limited real rights are the usufruct rights (TCC 794), the right of residence (TCC 823), the right of construction (TCC 837) and the right of pledge and immovable load (TCC 839). It may be established the right of usufruct, right of construction and immovable load in favor of foreigners in Turkey who can acquire real estates. It may be established pledge rights without being subject to restrictions in favor of foreign real and legal persons.

scholarly journals THE EFFECT OF SOCIOLOGICAL CHANGES IN TURKEY AFTER 1970’s ON THE COLOR AND DRAWING OF MEHMET GULERYUZ'S

2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (88) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Values ◽  
The Political ◽  
Oil Painting ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Political Turmoil ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Turkish Society

The second half of the 20th century witnessed many political and social upheavals in the Republic of Turkey as well as in the rest of the world. The political turmoil and chaos that occurred after 1970, which we determined as the limit of our study, and the social values that started to change with the introduction of technology in the institutional field after 1980 and in the individual life after 1990 caused the Turkish society to change at different speeds. Mehmet Güleryüz, who is the artist of the is a sensitive painter who observes, assimilates and has succeeded in reflecting these problems in his works by passing these problems through his intellectual filter with his ability to analyze with universal accuracy. In this study, the subject and drawing of Guleryuz's paintings were studied in this context. Keywords: Mehmet Guleryuz, 70’s, oil painting

Education and Change in the Late Ottoman Empire and Turkey

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Benjamin C. Fortna
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Space Time ◽  
Diverse Range ◽  
State And Society ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Late Ottoman Empire ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Late Ottoman

This article addresses the interrelated changes taking place in education during the transition from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic of Turkey in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. In particular, it focuses on the ways in which schools altered their approach to space, time, and economic priorities in order to align themselves with the shifting conditions of the period. It proceeds by examining a series of tensions between the desiderata of state and society, the collective and the individual, the secular and the religious, the national and the supranational, before assessing the diverse range of responses they elicited.

scholarly journals Assessing the fourth wave of the populist radical right: Jair Bolsonaro’s voters in comparative perspective

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Zanotti ◽  
José Rama ◽  
Talita Tanscheit
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Populist Radical Right ◽  
European Parties ◽  
European Election ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Party Family ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
Fourth Wave

The determinants of the vote for the populist radical right (PRR) have been thoroughly studied especially in Western and Eastern Europe. However, the PRR has become a global phenomenon. At this point, comparative studies are essential in order to advance in the understanding of the success of this party family. For this reason, in this paper, we analyze the individual factors that help to understand the support for Jair Bolsonaro in the last 2018 Presidential elections in Brazil at the light of the findings for the PRR in Western Europe. The aim is twofold. First, we contribute to the comparative literature on the determinants for the vote for the PRR in a non-European country. Second, we also assess, if any, the peculiarity of the vote for the PRR in Latin America and specifically in the Brazilian case. In order to carry on our analysis, we used the European Election Studies (EES) dataset for Western European parties and data from the Estudio Electoral Brasileño for Brazil (ESEB). The main results show that religion (evangelists), race (white), income (high), and, above all, negative views of the main opposition party (Partido dos Trabalhadores [PT] – Worker’s Party), i.e., antipetismo, are the main reasons to understand the vote for Bolsonaro in the 2018 Presidential elections.

scholarly journals Reasons for the Movement of Female Immigrants to the Republic of Turkey: Research and Analysis

2019 ◽  
Vol 85 ◽  
pp. 14-20
Author(s):  
Oksana Koshulko
Keyword(s):  
Female Labor ◽  
Important Thing ◽  
The Third ◽  
Criminal Organizations ◽  
Female Immigrants ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Married Female ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

The article presents the results of studies on reasons why female immigrants coming to Turkey as well as basic problems for married female immigrants in Turkey. The article has presented several groups of female immigrants and reasons why female immigrants coming to Turkey. The first group were married female immigrants who gave their reason for coming to Turkey as marriage; the second group were female labor immigrants who came to Turkey seeking work; and the third group were females who wanted to work but they were, or may have been, members or victims of criminal organizations. According to the results of the article, female immigrants face many challenges in the country, within their families and in outside society. Female immigrants, who are considering living in Turkey for any length of time or even for forever, should understand and analyze all possible difficulties and challenges that may arise in their lives in Turkey. At the same time, the country holds wonderful prospects for developing female immigrants and the most important thing is for them to find the means of benefitting from all that is offered.

Thirty years of relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Republic of Serbia: Changing political and international dynamics

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 175-189
Author(s):  
Karol Bieniek
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Qualitative Content Analysis ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

Bilateral relations between the Republic of Turkey and the individual successor states of former Yugoslavia differ, after thirty years since its dissolution, in form and in substance. While just after the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Turkey managed to establish and sustain cordial ties with such countries as, for instance, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, relations with Serbia (Serbia and Montenegro) remained tense and the two countries perceived themselves, in the best case, as traditional opponents. The basic aim of this paper is to analyse the bilateral relations of these two states and Turkish foreign policy towards Serbia, a country currently perceived as a ‘neighbour,’ despite the fact that they do not share common border. The paper argues that rapprochement of two countries, so clearly visible in several dimensions after 2002, marks a new phase in Turkey’s general foreign policy. The paper will trace the thirty-year evolution of bilateral contacts while arguing that the current positive relations have their source also in the domestic arena, both of Turkey and Serbia, which is willing to increase influence in the Western Balkans and institutionalise her international position. Thus, the two states for the first time share similar foreign policy goals. The whole analysis is theoretically anchored in the behavioural approach of the ‘middle power‘ paradigm. An author-applied qualitative content analysis is the main research technique. The main sources are official documents, selected monographs, academic articles, and analytical reports.

scholarly journals Otman Baba as the Organic Intellectual of the Turkmen-Yoruks

2021 ◽  
Vol 136 (3) ◽  
pp. 161-175
Author(s):  
U. Sinan ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Social Structure ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Third ◽  
Sunni Islam ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Organic Intellectual ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

The article examines a social structure of the Ottoman Empire based on the classification and comparative analysis of groups of intellectuals in accordance with the concept of an organic intellectual. On the basis of the analysis of the image of Otman Baba, the intellectual feature of the nomadic Turks is revealed. It necessary to note that three different intellectual groups are representing three different layers. The first of these are the intellectuals of the ruling bloc. These intellectuals go through historical transformations and continue as ulema (theologians). These intellectuals, the sheikhs, are the bearers of the Sunni Islamic ideology. The second type of intellectuals consists largely of the apostles (Ahis) that represent the craftsmen in the cities and the workers in these branches of crafts. The Ahis have an ideology that cannot be explained, with Islam only and Sunni Islam in particular. The third type of intellectuals is the abdals that are the intellectuals of the TurkmenYörük, who are the main oppressed class of the society. These three types of intellectuals can be explained with the concept of organic intellectuals. Otman Baba is the best example to describe the organic intellectual of Turkmen-Yoruks. Sheikh Bedreddin was unfortunately attributed to his place. Another phenomenon is the continued existence of the Ottoman sovereign to continue to block the period of the Republic of Turkey intellectuals. I define these intellectuals with the concept of “sedimentary intellectuals”.

scholarly journals Turkish-Ottoman relations with Latin America: a journey through the time capsule

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 188-202
Author(s):  
Rubén Rodriguez Paredes
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
21St Century ◽  
The Third ◽  
Time Capsule ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Turkey ◽  
Over Time

In this article we propose to address the opening of three Time Capsules to reconstruct three clearly identifiable contexts, each providing information for the analysis of what international relations between the Ottoman Empire/Turkey with Latin America have been like.  In this way, we seek to analyze the content of the links through the density of the macro-relationships that developed over time, in order to make a cognitive map of the state of situation, taking into account not only the interests of the actors but also the endogenous and exogenous conditions. In that line are raised three contexts of opening the Capsules of Time. The first in 1923, when the Empire died and the Republic of Turkey was born; the second at the end of the 20th century; and the third in 2019, spanning almost the first two decades of the 21st century.

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