scholarly journals Liberal Democracy in Context of Pakistan And Bangladesh

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
Shehnaz Bibi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Civil Society Organizations ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Disorder ◽  
Desk Review

The purpose of this paper is to understand the democracy and the challenges towards liberal democracy. Desk review and thorough document analysis have been used to dig out the challenges for liberal democracy. Politically liberal democracies are contextualized and more flexible, assure the freedom of speech and enable voters for alternatives in case of incapable governments. The central view of liberal democracy is that every citizen must be treated on an equal basis. Pakistan and Bangladesh (separated from Pakistan in 1971) are the democratic republic countries by constitutional arrangements.  The political system of both countries is based upon the elected people and then the elected people generate further policies, rules, laws, and regulations for governing the system in states. Theoretically, both states consist of governments, political parties, and official apparatus of military and civil society organizations. However, historically both countries remained unable to continue the democratic systems due to recurrent involvement and intervention by the military, undemocratic institutions, terrorism and extremism, political disorder, and uncertainty from their inception.

scholarly journals Indian Democracy

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niraja Gopal Jayal
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Industrial Development ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Civic Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Evolution ◽  
Comparative Development ◽  
Popular Imagination ◽  
Low Levels

Indian democracy calls into question many presumptions that theorists have held about the historical evolution and comparative development of democracy. It is, for instance, generally assumed that the historical conditions in which democracies arise include industrial development, a reasonably cohesive and homogeneous society, a strong middle class, and a civic culture. When India became independent in 1947, none of these conditions obtained. Though the Indian Constitution of 1950 made India a democratic republic with universal adult franchise, the country’s deeply unequal society based on caste hierarchy, low levels of economic development, and a large rural population mired in poverty and illiteracy suggested that this was inhospitable soil for democracy to take root. Nevertheless, over the last six decades and more, Indian democracy has proved to be resilient and enduring (unlike its neighbors, which gained independence at the same time). It has witnessed the holding of regular, free, and fair elections in which the rural and unlettered poor actively participate, as also social movements and a vibrant civil society that make demands on the political system that political parties may not. Above all, the idea of democracy has strikingly captured the popular imagination.

Evolution of manifestos in a developing parliamentary democracy with proportional representation and multiparty coalition governments

2016 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 296-306
Author(s):  
Samo Kropivnik ◽  
Simona Kustec Lipicer
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Further Development ◽  
Issue Emphasis

In exploring the first two decades of evolution of political programmes applied for the electoral processes in Slovenia, a young European multiparty parliamentary democracy with a proportional electoral system and multiparty government coalitions, the article contributes to a rich tradition of studying the programmes of political parties as relevant narrators of the development of democratic systems and suggests an answer to ‘why do parties write manifestos?’ The main findings include the distinct issue emphasis of parliamentary and non-parliamentary parties’ manifestos and convergence in issue emphasis over time among parliamentary parties who go on to form coalition governments. Regarding the ‘why’, these and other findings indicate that the manifestos considered here are intended more for post-election purposes – in particular, for the formation of alliances and negotiating and running a coalition government – than for attracting voters in the pre-election period. Party programmes are seen more as self-intended tools for political struggle than as promoters or control mechanisms for the further development of the democratic political system.

Towards a Concept of Political Robustness

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172199997
Author(s):  
Eva Sørensen ◽  
Christopher Ansell
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Research Agenda ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Societal Challenges ◽  
Strong Capacity

How effective are different political institutions, policy-making processes and policies when it comes to mediating, mitigating and managing vertical and horizontal political tensions caused by disruptive societal challenges and political polarization? The present crisis for liberal democracy places this question high on the research agenda. A concept of political robustness is helpful for identifying the properties of political systems with a strong capacity for coping with political instability and conflict. This article defines political robustness, draws the contours of a conceptual framework for analysis of the political robustness of political systems and applies it illustratively to the political robustness of liberal democracies. We propose that the robustness of a political system depends on how much those who voice political demands—which differs greatly over time and between regimes—are involved in aggregating and integrating political demands into binding decisions.

scholarly journals Populismo, Democracia e a Constituição na Venezuela / Populism, Democracy and the Constitution in Venezuela

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Alberto Antunes de Miranda
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Complex Traits ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Hugo Chavez ◽  
The Military

Resumo:O presente artigo tem como objetivo identificar o populismo, a democracia e a constituição na Venezuela. A Venezuela, por ser um país que tradicionalmente estruturava sua ação na construção da democracia representativa, na defesa da liberdade e na consolidação da integração hemisférica,passou a desenvolver, com a chegada ao poder de Hugo Chavez Frias, um marcante perfil ideológico. Dos anos cinquenta até os oitenta, ainda que tenha predominado um sistema centrista dominado por partidos e dirigentes políticos de centro, os militares exerciam uma participação indireta nas questões de Estado. No final dos anos 90, se observa que o sistema político assumiu características complexas, com a presença do Estado cada vez mais refletida na centralização do Executivo, o excessivo personalismo político do Chefe de Estado e o envolvimento de militares no sistema político, refletindo nas instituições venezuelanas.Palavras-chave: Política externa; Venezuela.; Atores; Processo decisório. Abstract:This article aims to identify populism and the fragility of democratic institutions in Venezuela. Venezuela, as a country that traditionally structured its action in the construction of a representative democracy, in defense of freedom and the consolidation of integration in the hemisphere, began to develop, with the coming to power of Hugo Chavez Frias, a remarkable ideological profile. From the fifties to the eighties, although the country was dominated by a centrist system with political parties and leaders of the center, the military exerted an indirect interest in matters of state. In the late 90s we observe that the political system became a complex traits, with the presence of the State increasingly reflected in the centralization of the Executive, excessive political personalism of the Head of State and the involvement of the military in the political system, reflecting in the Venezuelan institutions.Keywords: Foreign policy; Venezuela; Actors; Decision making.

scholarly journals Politics, Ethics, and Religion

wisdom ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-96
Author(s):  
Balázs M. MEZEI
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
United States Today ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Democratic Systems ◽  
Political Form ◽  
Communist Countries

In this essay, I argue that religion is centrally important in the future of liberal democracy in the Western sense of the word. Without the values of religion, we may have to face the emergence of authoritarian and totalitarian forms of political existence. My starting point is the experience of the so-called post-Communist countries. The essence of this experience is that liberal democracy as a political form may lack genuine content if the society, in which it exists, is devoid of the fundamental human attitudes essential for sustaining such a democracy. This experience can be complemented by the experience we have in the European Union or in the United States today, because even in these organizations we witness clear signs of the loss of common values, which endangers the proper functioning of stable democratic systems. However, some form of religion – traditional or renewed – may help to revitalize the values and their subjective basis, the proper human attitudes to encounter the danger of the decline of contemporary liberal democracies.

scholarly journals REFLECTIONS OT THE OHRID FRAMEWORK AGREEMENT ON THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF NORTH MACEDONIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Flakron Bexheti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Political System ◽  
Time Frame ◽  
The Political ◽  
Framework Agreement ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Scientific Analysis ◽  
University Level ◽  
The Military

In this study, we will focus on the Ohrid Agreement that derived from a peaceful conference which put an end to the armed conflict in Macedonia in 2001. We will also approach the causes that led to the conflict, the circumstances created that caused this inter-ethnic military clash, the deadlock of the implementation of the Agreement, within the time frame envisaged in that agreement itself, the attitude of the Albanian and Macedonian political parties towards the Ohrid Framework Agreement and the contribution of the international political factor, which provided their contribution to the achievement of this Agreement from the position of facilitators. A lot has been written and said about this agreement, since its endorsement; numerous comprehensive analyzes have been carried out in various scientific conferences, debate-shave been held at university level and many paper-shave been published in different journals and conference proceedings by various different authors, who expressed their thoughts theoretically, scientifically and empirically, based on their arguments which they claimed were objective and real. I believe that the main cause of the non-implementation of this agreement or the prolongation of its implementation for more than e decade, is the result of the lack of a proper scientific analysis of the genesis of the military conflict between the two largest communities in Macedonia, namely between the Macedonian military and police forces and the NLA.

Predator Neoliberalism

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22
Author(s):  
Kamal Dib
Keyword(s):  
Public Finance ◽  
Monetary Policy ◽  
Market Economy ◽  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Revolution ◽  
Socioeconomic Change ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
The Mediterranean

Lebanon, a multi-confessional state, is undergoing a deep socioeconomic change that could trigger a review of its constitutional arrangement. The tiny republic on the Mediterranean was born in 1920 as a liberal democracy with a market economy, where the Christians had the upper hand in politics and the economy. In 1975, Lebanon witnessed a major war that lasted for fifteen years, and a new political system emerged in 1989, dubbed the Ta’ef Accord. The new constitutional arrangement, also known as the “second republic,” transferred major powers to the Muslims. Under the new republic, illiberal policies were adopted in reconstruction, public finance, and monetary policy, coupled with unprecedented corruption at the highest levels. On 17 October 2019, the country exploded in a social revolution which could precipitate the death of the second republic or the demise of the country as another victim of predator neoliberalism.

Sovereignty

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermann Heller
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
Political System ◽  
Popular Sovereignty ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
National Sovereignty ◽  
Nation States ◽  
The People ◽  
Pluralistic World

This 1927 work addresses the paradox of sovereignty, that is, how the sovereign can be both the highest authority and subject to law. Unlike Kelsen and Schmitt who seek to dissolve the paradox, this text sees the tensions that the paradox highlights as an essential part of a society ruled by law. Sovereignty, in the sense of national sovereignty, is often perceived in liberal democracies today as being under threat, or at least “in transition,” as power devolves from nation states to international bodies. This threat to national sovereignty is at the same time considered a threat to a different idea of sovereignty, popular sovereignty—the sovereignty of “the people”—as important decisions seem increasingly to be made by institutions outside of a country’s political system or by elite-dominated institutions within. This text was written in 1927 amidst the very similar tensions of the Weimar Republic. In an exploration of history, constitutional and political theory, and international law, it shows that democrats must defend a legal idea of sovereignty suitable for a pluralistic world.

scholarly journals What is religious freedom and who has it?

2021 ◽  
pp. 003776862110123
Author(s):  
Jonathan Fox
Keyword(s):  
Liberal Democracy ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Central Element ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
Religious Minorities ◽  
Religion And State

Religious freedom (RF) is important because it is posited to be a central element of liberal democracy and as having multiple additional benefits including increased security and economic prosperity. Yet, it is also a disputed concept and many liberal democracies restrict the freedoms of religious minorities. This study uses the Religion and State (RAS) dataset to examine the extent of RF in 183 countries based on six definitions of RF. The author examines whether religious minorities are restricted in a manner that the majority is not, regulation of the majority religion, and imposition of precepts of the majority religion on a country’s population. He finds that very few countries, including liberal democracies, meet any standard for RF, even when one allows for ‘loose’ standards where some violations of RF are allowed.

scholarly journals EXPRESS: Political parties and organization studies: The party as a critical case of organizing

2021 ◽  
pp. 017084062110109
Author(s):  
Emil Husted ◽  
Mona Moufahim ◽  
Martin Fredriksson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Change ◽  
Political System ◽  
Affective Commitment ◽  
Critical Case ◽  
Organizational Dynamics ◽  
Control Mechanisms ◽  
Progressive Change ◽  
Organization Studies ◽  
Organization And Management

Organization scholars have extensively studied both the politics of organization and the organization of politics. Contributing to the latter, we argue for further and deeper consideration of political parties, since: (1) parties illuminate organizational dynamics of in- and exclusion; (2) internal struggles related to the constitution of identities, practices, and procedures are accentuated in parties; (3) the study of parties allow for the isolation of processes of normative and affective commitment; (4) parties prioritize and intensify normative control mechanisms; (5) party organizing currently represents an example of profound institutional change, as new (digital) formations challenge old bureaucratic models. Consequently, we argue that political parties should be seen as ‘critical cases’ of organizing, meaning that otherwise commonplace phenomena are intensified and exposed in parties. This allows researchers to use parties as magnifying glasses for zooming-in on organizational dynamics that may be suppressed or concealed by the seemingly non-political façade of many contemporary organizations. In conclusion, we argue that organization scholars are in a privileged position to investigate how political parties function today and how their democratic potential can be improved in the future. To this end, we call on Organization and Management Studies to engage actively with alternative parties in an attempt to explore and promote progressive change within the formal political system.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document