How Americans Feel About Asian Countries and Why

2008 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin I. Page ◽  
Julia Rabinovich ◽  
David G. Tully

Americans' feelings about foreign countries are embedded in foreign policy belief systems and affect policy preferences. The analysis of nine surveys of the US general public conducted between 1978 and 2006 indicates that on average Americans have had rather lukewarm or slightly cool, nearly neutral, feelings toward China, India, South Korea, Taiwan, and Indonesia; warm feelings toward Japan and Australia; and cold feelings toward North Korea and (at least since 2001) toward Pakistan and Afghanistan.Individuals' feelings are affected by certain personal and social characteristics. High levels of formal education tend to make people feel considerably warmer toward most of these countries—especially Pakistan, Afghanistan, and India. Education increases information: those who know more about the world generally express warmer feelings. But most important are internationalist attitudes, especially putting a relatively low priority on US domestic threats and concerns, embracing capitalism and world markets, and espousing world antipoverty goals. National security considerations play only a limited part. Policy implications are discussed.

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-101
Author(s):  
Olga Baybakova ◽  
Larysa Sidun

AbstractArticle deals with the problem of multicultural education. Ukraine, being a multicultural society, requires a new conception of the world, aimed at integrating cultures and nations, their further convergence as well as cultural enrichment. In this context the experience of many foreign countries, especially the USA, is very interesting. This country differs from average multicultural nations in a range of peculiarities, one of which is the fact that cultural interaction was not within an individual ethnos, but within immigrants–descendants of different countries, representatives of various cultures. It is underlined that the USA is the country that underwent durable trials in search for the most optimum ways to provide cultural interaction. The most modern response to the cultural diversity at the end of the 20th century in the USA became the policy of multiculturalism. Multiculturalism is considered to be a democratic policy of solving the problem of cultural and social diversity in the society, which includes educational, linguistic, economic and social components and has specific mechanisms of embodiment.The interpretation of multicultural education is proposed as that one, which facilitates the formation in a person of the readiness for activities in a modern socio-cultural environment, preservation of personal identity, aspiration for respect and understanding of other cultural and ethnical communities, the ability to live in peace and harmony with representatives of various racial, ethnic, cultural, religious groups.


Author(s):  
Beverley Hooper

From the early 1970s, the US-China relationship was central to diplomatic reporting, with National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger’s visit to Peking in October 1971, President Nixon’s historic visit in February 1972, and the establishment the following year of small liaison offices in Peking and Washington. Following each of Kissinger’s further visits in 1973 and 1974, senior diplomats virtually queued up at the liaison office to find out what progress, if any, had been made towards the normalization of US-China relations. Peking’s diplomats, like some of their colleagues elsewhere in the world, did not always see eye-to-eye with their foreign ministries. There was little chance of their becoming overly attached to Communist China, as the Japanologists and Arabists were sometimes accused of doing for Japan and Arab countries. At the same time, living and breathing the PRC led some diplomats to regard Chinese Communism as being rather more nuanced—and the government somewhat less belligerent—than the Cold War images portrayed in the West, particularly the United States.


Equilibrium ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-63
Author(s):  
Tomas Meluzin ◽  
Marek Zinecker

This paper deals with the analysis of initial public offerings of shares in terms of their quantity and the amount of capital raised by this form of financing on the world markets. Relevant global developments will be analyzed first, followed by a description of regional situation. The analysis is based on secondary data which are processed by descriptive statistics methods. The analysis of IPO trends on the world markets indicates that, in the period of 2004-2007, IPO-based financing of corporate growth gained in importance on both developed and emerging markets. The IPO segment was dominated by the largest emerging markets (Brazil, Russia, India and China) and at the same time the US American and Western European markets decline in their importance. The world-wide economic crisis of 2008 suppressed the interest in new IPOs, particularly in the developed economies. As the economy of most countries is beginning to revive, the interest in the IPO approach from businesses and investors is on the rise. It can be expected that, in the next few years, the arena of initial public offerings will be dominated by visionary companies operating on emerging markets where the execution of an IPO will constitute the key element in securing the capital essential for further expansion.


Author(s):  
N. P. Gribin

Under the Goldwater-Nichols Defense Department Reorganization Act of 1986, the President of the United States must submit to Congress each year a report on the national security strategy. This report under the name of “National Security Strategy” is intended to be a comprehensive statement anticipating the worldwide interests, goals and objectives that are deemed crucial to the national security of the United States. The new “National Security Strategy” (December 2017) lays out the strategic vision of the Presidential Administration under Donald Trump about ways and means by which the US seeks to deal with internal and external threats. The authors of the Strategy set themselves the main task of proving that American security is based on the realization that American principles are: “a lasting force for good in the World.”  The authors of the Strategy prioritize the protection of the American way of life and American interests all over the world. In that aspect, they see the main danger from the hostile states and non-states actors who are “trying to acquire different types of weapons”. In addition, the administration is demonstrating concerns about the activity of international terrorist organizations (jihadist), transnational criminal organizations, drug cartels and cybercrime. Different from previous similar documents, Trump’s Strategy makes an evident accent on economic security as an important part of national security. The task in that area is “to rebuild economic strength at home and preserve a fair and reciprocal international system.” In a rather confronting manner, the Strategy assesses the role of China and Russia in the international affairs. It underlines that between the main sets of challengers – “the revisionist powers of China and Russia and the rogue states of Iran and North Korea”, the United States will seek areas of cooperation with competitors but will do so from a position of strength. The Strategy pays great attention to restoring military capability of the US. It is stressed that military strength remains a vital component of the competition for influence. In a certain sense, the authors of the Strategy demonstrate a new approach to the role of diplomacy, and especially in regards to the tools of economic diplomacy, intended to protect the US “from abuse by illicit actors”. Pillar four of the Strategy outlines considerations for expanding US influence on a global scale and for supporting friendly partners. As stated in the Strategy, American assistance to developing countries should help promote national interests and vice versa. The US will use all means, including sanctions, to “isolate states and leaders that pose a threat to the American interests.” The Strategy pays much attention to the regional aspect of national security, and, from these positions, the situation in various parts of the world (the Indo-Pacific region, Europe, the Middle East, etc.) is assessed. The authors emphasize that changes in the balance of power at the world level can cause global consequences and threaten American interests and US security. On the contrary, “stability reduces the threats that Americans face at home.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-20
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The aim of the work is to assess the impact of the African component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle Russia-China-USA on the implementation of their current economic and military policy. The assessment of the impact of this component on the national security of these countries is considered. An approach to the comparison of such influence is proposed, which makes it possible to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Africa and other regions of the world. The article can be used to justify recommendations to the military and political leadership of our country.


Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Uk Heo

Among the major events that occurred in Asia in 2019 were four that received global attention: the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the US-China trade war, the North Korean nuclear issue, and protests in Hong Kong. These events have significant policy implications for the world as well as for Asia.


2008 ◽  
Vol 98 (4) ◽  
pp. 1675-1691 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Freund ◽  
Çağlar Özden

We develop a political economy model where loss aversion and reference dependence are important in shaping people's preferences over trade policy. The policy implications of the augmented model differ in three ways: there is a region of compensating protection, where a decline in the world price leads to an offsetting increase in protection, such that a constant domestic price is maintained; protection following a single negative price shock will be persistent; and irrespective of the extent of lobbying, there will be a deviation from free trade that favors loss-making industries. The augmented model explains protections of the US steel industry since 1980. (JEL F13, F14, L61)


Author(s):  
V. Mizin

The problems of antimissile defense constitutes one of the key issues of global arms control domain of today. No advancement toward the lowering of global military threat, reciprocal reduction of nuclear weapons’ arsenals and the solving of contemporary tasks in the vast realm of today’s strategic stability are feasible, if a suitable arrangement on it is not to be found. At the same time, this conundrum is the major irritant in the Russia-West interrelationship, first and foremost, in our dealings with the NATO military-political alliance led by the USA. Therefore, finding the mutually acceptable solutions to this end would have promoted the consolidation of mutual trust and created the prerequisites for moving toward a safer and more stable world. The paper suggests a set of specific urgent steps that would show the ways out of the current negotiating impasse related to the ABM problematic and created the basis for a potential agreement while not afflicting the national security of any state in the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (5) ◽  
pp. 154-177
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The paper considers the assessment of the influence of the Latin American component of the policy of the states of the strategic triangle "Russia-China-USA" on the national security of these countries. An approach to comparing the impact of the component is proposed, which makes it possible to identify the priorities of Russia's policy in Latin America and other regions of the world. The results of the work can be used to justify recommendations to the military-political leadership of our country.


Author(s):  
Avisek Dutta ◽  
Anupam Banerjee ◽  
Sunil Chaudhry ◽  
Sunil Chaudhry ◽  
Sunil Chaudhry ◽  
...  

The pharmacist’s contribution will remain an important element in effective healthcare system. Pharmacists have a critical role in patient drug safety by contributing to the identification, documentation and reporting of adverse drug reactions. Pharmacists have key roles to play in establishing benefits and risks profile of a marketed medicine. Country level drug ADR monitoring and programs throughout the world differ in their way of collecting ICSR reports by healthcare professionals specially pharmacist. In contrast to North American continent countries like Canada or the US, where the majority of the reports come from licensed pharmacists, some European and Asian countries, such as UK, France, Ireland, Malaysia have the maximum contribution of ADR reports coming from practicing physicians.


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