دور الأحزاب الفلسطينية في تعزيز المشاركة السياسية من وجهة نظر خريجي جامعة القدس المفتوحة فرع غزة

ملخص: هدفت الدراسة التعرف إلى دور الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية في تعزيز المشاركة السياسية من وجهة نظر خريجي جامعة القدس المفتوحة فرع غزة، ولتحقيق ذلك تم استخدام المنهج الوصفي، ومنهج دراسة الحالة، وأعد الباحث استبانة طبقها على عينة طبقية عشوائية بلغت (378) مفردة، صلح منها للتحليل (292) مفردة من خريجي جامعة القدس المفتوحة فرع غزة البالغ عددهم (22724) خريجاً وخريجة، وتوصلت الدراسة إلى النتائج الآتية: 1- هناك ضعف في دور الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية في تعزيز المشاركة السياسية من وجهة نظر خريجي جامعة القدس المفتوحة فرع غزة. 2- هناك قصور في دور الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية في نشر القيم الثقافية التي تنمي المشاركة السياسية لدى لشباب، وتعمل على تشجيع وتحفيز طاقاتهم، وبث روح المثابرة وتبني الأفكار والتوجهات المبدعة التي يقترحونها. 3- هناك تفرد لدى الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية في صنع القرارات أكثر من المشاركة لدى الشباب به، ويؤشر ذلك على جمود وتعقد نظم الأحزاب ويظهر ذلك في عجزها على تفعيل المشاركة للشباب في صنع القرارات. 4- هناك ضعف في دور الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية في القضاء على ظاهرة العقلية الفردية وعدم البعد عن تحقيق المصالح الذاتية، وتغليب المصلحة العامة على المصلحة الشخصية بشكل مرضي لدى الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية. 5- هناك ضعف في مشاركة الشباب في إعداد البرامج السياسية والثقافية والمجتمعية لدى الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية، وذلك يشير لإهمال الأحزاب في حث الشباب للمشاركة في إعداد البرامج السياسية والثقافية. 6- وجود علاقة طردية موجبة قوية ذات دلالة إحصائية عند مستوى (α≤0.05) بين دور الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية في تعزيز المشاركة السياسية من وجهة نظر خريجي جامعة القدس المفتوحة فرع غزة. 7- وجود فروق ذات دلالة إحصائية عند مستوى دلالة (α≤0.05) بين متوسط التقديرات حول دور الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية من وجهة نظر خريجي جامعة القدس المفتوحة فرع غزة تعزى لمتغير (النوع الاجتماعي الكليات العلمية، العمر، مجال العمل مكان السكن). الكلمات المفتاحية: الأحزاب السياسية الفلسطينية- المشاركة السياسية- خريجي جامعة القدس المفتوحة. Abstract The study aimed to identify the role of Palestinian political parties in promoting political participation from the point of view of the graduates of Al-Quds Open University, Gaza Branch, and to achieve this, the descriptive approach and the case study approach were used. (292) male and female graduates of Al-Quds Open University, Gaza branch, numbering (22724), and the study reached the following results: 1- There is a weakness in the role of Palestinian political parties in promoting political participation from the perspective of graduates of Al-Quds Open University, Gaza Branch. 2- There is a shortcoming in the role of Palestinian political parties in spreading cultural values ​​that develop the political participation of young people, encourage and stimulate their energies, spread the spirit of perseverance and adopt the creative ideas and directions they propose. 3- There is a uniqueness among the Palestinian political parties in decision-making more than the participation of the youth in it, and this indicates the rigidity and complexity of the party systems and this appears in their inability to activate the participation of young people in decision-making. 4- There is a weakness in the role of the Palestinian political parties in eliminating the phenomenon of the individual mentality and the lack of distance from achieving self-interest, and giving priority to the public interest over personal interest in a satisfactory manner among the Palestinian political parties. 5- There is a weakness in the participation of young people in preparing the political, cultural and societal programs of the Palestinian political parties, and this indicates the neglect of the parties in urging young people to participate in the preparation of political and cultural programs. 6- There is a strong positive direct relationship with statistical significance at the level (α≤0.05) between the role of Palestinian political parties in promoting political participation from the point of view of graduates of Al-Quds Open University, Gaza Branch. 7- There are statistically significant differences at the level of significance (α≤0.05) between the average estimates about the role of Palestinian political parties from the point of view of graduates of Al-Quds Open University, Gaza Branch, due to the variable (gender, scientific colleges, age, field of work and place of residence). Keywords: Palestinian political parties – Political participation – Al-Quds Open University Graduates

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
PETER W. WIELHOUWER

This research examines the role of the personal contacting activities of the political parties as mobilizing forces in what Verba and Nie termed campaign activities. A reformulated rational choice model is discussed in which parties seek to reduce certain avoidable and unavoidable costs associated with political participation. Using data from the 1952 through 1994 American National Election Studies, it is shown that the party contact has been and continues to be a major factor in mobilizing campaign activists. Its influence is remarkably robust, maintaining statistical and substantive significance even after controlling for other important factors usually associated with political behavior.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Asha K. Elkarib

Political parties are considered gatekeepers for women’s access to political positions, as they play an important role in institutionalizing women’s inclusion in politics. Ensuring that political parties in Sudan play an active role in the advancement of gender equality and the enhancement of women’s political participation is particularly important as Sudan prepares for its transition to democracy. This Report examines political parties’ internal policies and structures and their impact on women’s access to positions of power and decision-making at all levels, starting from within the political parties themselves. By scrutinizing parties’ constitutions, manifestos and various policy documents, the report highlights how women participate in political parties and the extent to which political parties support gender equality.


Modern Italy ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta

Political corruption can be considered as a means by which money influences politics. In the classic studies the causes of corruption have usually been identified in the characteristics of the principal actor in the political system: the party. Samuel Huntington, in particular, has linked the development of corruption to party weakness during phases of growing political participation. Corruption spreads in those specific paths to modernization in which popular participation in political decision-making is not immediately accompanied by a strengthening of those institutions, such as political parties, which should filter and direct collective demands: ‘the weaker and less accepted the political parties, the greater the likelihood of corruption’.


Author(s):  
Will Jennings

“Mechanisms of representation” relate to the organization of politics and its consequences, and the processes through which interests or preferences are represented in the political system and the outcomes of public policy. This article explores a diverse set of mechanisms through which politics is organized, and through which the preferences or interests of the public, voters, groups, and economic interests are either advanced or obstructed. Traditional approaches of political science often adopted a narrow focus on the formal democratic qualities of elected government and the pluralism of the political system in incorporating different interests or preferences into the decision-making process and policy outcomes. Later waves of research sought to explore bias in mechanisms of representation, such as the disproportionate influence of interest groups in the governmental process and the power of agenda setting in determining which issues make it onto the decision-making table and when. Nevertheless, there continues to be considerable interest in the role of formal political institutions in determining the performance of representative democracy, how political parties act as vehicles for representation, and how elections can provide mandates to governments and enable voters to reward or punish political parties or candidates for the quality of their representation or performance. Indeed, a growing field of enquiry identifies a direct link between the preferences of the public and their representatives, either in the representation of constituency opinion or in the responsiveness of the political system as a whole. Despite this pervasive concern throughout the discipline of political science with the functioning of democratic politics, important changes in modern states, economies, and societies occurring outside elected institutions also shape representation, particularly as executive governance and politics has assumed increasing importance. The conventional understanding of mechanisms of representation is built upon shifting sands, with the emergence of the “regulatory state” and the decline of traditional distributive and command activities of government, and with ever more “networked,” “nonhierarchical,” and “transnational” modes of governing—often by unelected authorities. These changing institutional arrangements also reflect a response to the rise of risk as a focus of organization, as traditional social and economic cleavages are redrawn and reconstructed around questions of risk—often manmade, created through scientific innovation or economic progress. These changes point toward the changing battleground for representation both of public and political interests and the increasing importance of understanding questions of bureaucratic politics and control, transnational regulation, the management of risk, and the preoccupation of officeholders with the avoidance of blame. Mechanisms of representation shed light on all these things and more, encompassing the role of institutions in reflecting public or private interests in the decision-making process.


Author(s):  
Nasrullah Muhammad Nur

The discussion on the role of Islamic political parties in Muslim-majority countries is a hot conversation not only among the political elite but also in the lower society. Is a political party based on Islam is right to fight for the rights of Muslims or just a mere mask behind the Religion alias in the name of Islam in order to achieve certain goals? This article highlights the issue of how the role of Islamic political parties or the participation of Islamic parties in building the welfare of the people mandated to them especially when they are in power. How can an Islamic party gain a vote, take the sympathy of society when many of the people who are in doubt about the labeling of Islam in the party.


2012 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 85
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yahya Arwiyah

Voters in Bandung  Regency is part of Indonesian people playing an important role in determining policy and organizing lawful lives considering Indonesia is a democratic nation based on constitutions. On other hand, the involvement of citizens in a political life general or regional election was not free from socio-economic status or background of in fact, political participation of citizens was not yet optimum because of the diversity of socio-economic status, the decrease in trust level of citizens forwards ideological line of tehe political parties, and role of paternalistic culture as well as the lack of political education carried on by the political parties.


1970 ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
Azza Charara Baydoun

Women today are considered to be outside the political and administrative power structures and their participation in the decision-making process is non-existent. As far as their participation in the political life is concerned they are still on the margins. The existence of patriarchal society in Lebanon as well as the absence of governmental policies and procedures that aim at helping women and enhancing their political participation has made it very difficult for women to be accepted as leaders and to be granted votes in elections (UNIFEM, 2002).This above quote is taken from a report that was prepared to assess the progress made regarding the status of Lebanese women both on the social and governmental levels in light of the Beijing Platform for Action – the name given to the provisions of the Fourth Conference on Women held in Beijing in 1995. The above quote describes the slow progress achieved by Lebanese women in view of the ambitious goal that requires that the proportion of women occupying administrative or political positions in Lebanon should reach 30 percent of thetotal by the year 2005!


Author(s):  
András Sajó ◽  
Renáta Uitz

This chapter examines the relationship between parliamentarism and the legislative branch. It explores the evolution of the legislative branch, leading to disillusionment with the rationalized law-making factory, a venture run by political parties beyond the reach of constitutional rules. The rise of democratically bred party rule is positioned between the forces favouring free debate versus effective decision-making in the legislature. The chapter analyses the institutional make-up and internal operations of the legislature, the role of the opposition in the legislative assembly, and explores the benefits of bicameralism for boosting the powers of the legislative branch. Finally, it looks at the law-making process and its outsourcing via delegating legislative powers to the executive.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


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