The Battle of Errozabal in Light of the Frankish Sources

Author(s):  
Xabier Irujo

This chapter describes the military operation, marches, fights and outcome of King Charles’ venture in August 778 with a detailed description of the route and the location of the Carolingian army’s defeat. It therefore provides a comprehensive description of the action in the light of Medieval historical sources including a wide-ranging description of the characteristics of both armies, numbers and relative position in the battlefield, weaponry and clothing, and the strategic factors leading to the collapse of the Carolingian army and the resultant massacre in the Pyrenees. Based on original historical sources and a careful study of the terrain with the help of the Rangers of the Government of Navarre and expert archaeologists of the region, this is one of the most accurate and detailed description of the battle ever written.

Author(s):  
R. Pyrozhyshyn

The author of the article investigates the merits and remuneration of employees of the regional and city depatments of the NKGB-MSS in the Ternopil region in the 1945-1948 on the basis of a considerable circle of historical sources and monographs. The author identifies the main type of remuneration for NKGB-MSS employees - gratitude announcement. The author of the article indicates the main type of remuneration for NKGB-MSS employees - the announcement of gratitude, and the main merit was the successful participation in the chekist-military operation. It was considered successful if it resulted in the killing or detention of a person or a group of people involved in a particular case. Often during such operations, various trophies were taken, such as assault rifles, guns, pistols, machine guns, grenades and ammunition. However, internal documentation of the OUN or UPA was of the greatest operational value, since the documents served as the basis for the development of new operational cases. The author notes that NKGB-MSS security officers, their families, and agents received compensation. To substantiate this thesis, the author provides two examples. After the death of a security official, the family of the deceased received a lump sum compensation of 3,000 rubles. A security agent received 2,000 rubles for the reconstruction of the house and manor buildings because during the chekist-military operation, the rebels hid in her house and set it on fire, and not only the house but also the manor buildings. The author allocates arms and money as a reward to separate unit. The author emphasizes the receipt of the prize weapon for two reasons: firstly, as a rare event, and secondly, as irresponsible act of the state security officers, since the TT combat weapon was presented to a minor schoolboy who had joined the military unit. The author of the article emphasizes that most of the cash prize was received only by fighters of fighter battalions, recruited agents and cadets of militant squadron. They earned cash prizes for successfully conducted chekist-military operations.The author of the article also notes the amount of cash prizes was from 250 to 500 rubles. The amount of remuneration often varied depending on the rank and significance of each individual operation.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Dost Muhammad Yousafzai ◽  
Mehrunnisa

The Taliban rule in Swat and the adjoining districts of Malakand Division was a major threat to the democratic stability of Pakistan. In consequence, the state had to mobilize the army and to curb militancy through force after all peaceful measures had failed. During the military operation, about 3 million people became IDPs (internally displaced persons) with no food and shelter. The only means of bringing the problems of the IDPs to the notice of public was possible only through media. The present research study is undertaken to highlight the role of media mainly the print in representing the IDPs, the language they used to describe the events and the experience of senior journalists (Bureau Chiefs) in the field. The study concludes that media performed in a commendable way to highlight the problems of IDPs, to glorify the army and to downplay the anti-state narrative of the Taliban. Further, it is found that despite all efforts, the media personnel felt torn between the various sides' expectations. On the one hand, they were pressed hard by the government and the IDPs to give them more coverage while the militants would also issue threats to them in case their views were not properly.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emad Khamis Hamza ◽  
Ali Hussein Ali Saed

The outbreak of World War II in September 1939 had a negative impact not only on the European continent, but also most of the countries of Asia and Africa. Iraq was affected because of its political and economic association with the British government, which was one of the parties involved in that war. The Iraqi and British governments had signed a treaty concerning their political, economic and military relationship on 30 June 1930. It came into force after the end of the mandate and the entry of Iraq League of Nations in 1932, but that the treaty was only a new framework for the continuation of the British occupation. The situation was exacerbated when the military became the helm of the government after the 1936 coup led by Bakr Sidqi, which caused much anxiety within the British government and the strained relations between it and the Iraqi government despite the British recognition of the coup government. These tensions became more evident when World War II broke out. At this point, the British government demanded that Iraq abide by the provisions of the 1930 Treaty by declaring war on Germany. However, the Iraqi government. In addition to the severing of diplomatic relations, the tension between the British and Iraqi governments were intensified by Italy’s entry into the war with Germany. Iraq refused to sever its diplomatic relations with Germany, but allowed the Italian government to open an embassy in Baghdad, which Britain considered an act of hostility. Military operations between the Iraqi and British armies continued throughout May 1941, known to the historical sources as ‘the movement of Mayes’ or ‘the revolt of Rashid Ali Kilani’ or ‘the Iraq war the British second’. The Dulaim brigade and nearby villages were involved in the greatest share of those clashes, which left material and human destruction on the people of the judiciary in particular, and the Dulaim brigade and Iraq in general. This ended with the occupation of Fallujah by British forces on the 19th of May 1941. It is useful to consider the position of Falluja in the context of the military battles that took place between the Iraqi and British armies during this period. The study is divided into four subjects .the first subject was titled as ”the British- Iraqi treaties until 1930”. It deals with most important provisions of the treaty, which became controversial. The second subject was ”Falluja and preliminaries of May’s Movement” clarifies the British government’s request, under the terms of the 1930 treaty, that Iraq declare war on the Axis countries headed by Germany. This request was rejected by the Iraqi government. In particular, this segment considers events after Rashid Ali al-Kilani became prime minister and the anti-British military leaders took control of Iraq, as well as the military and political preparations taken by the Iraqi and British governments throughout April 1941. This study also explores their impact on the situation in the Fallujah district, which forms the third segment, titled “Fallujah and the Second Iraqi- British War”. This section explores the most important battles occuring in the lands of Fallujah district, and the role of the people of the judiciary in supporting The Iraqi army against the British forces, which prompted the latter to take revenge on them after occupying the center of killing and sabotage on the nineteenth of May 1941, Atanih than the recent push to revenge them after the occupation of the district center of death and destruction on the 19th of May 1941, and the steps that were taken after a full occupation of the land district of Fallujah until the entry of British troops to Baghdad on the fifth of June of the same year. Keywords: Fallujah, Documentary, Movement, May, Position


2018 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Scharpf

How does ideology influence state terror? Studies on state repression have looked at the leaders’ decisionmaking to explain how much violence states use against internal enemies. However, government leaders usually rely on their security forces to produce violence. I argue that distinct ideological beliefs within the military apparatus produce different levels of repression even if leaders are determined to terrorize the population. I expect officers who share the ideology of their leader to willingly execute the government’s repressive program, while officers who do not share the leader’s convictions refuse to terrorize civilians. I study these dynamics in the case of Argentina’s Dirty War (1975–81) during which the government tasked its ideologically divided army with a nationwide terror campaign. Combining qualitative and quantitative data from historical sources, I identify the ideological beliefs and repressive behavior of military commanders. Consistent with my expectation, I find that loyal nationalist officers in the infantry, artillery, and communications branch of the army perpetrated significantly more violence than liberal cavalry officers who rejected the junta’s terror program. The results demonstrate that ideological beliefs within the state’s security apparatus can lead to violent outcomes that deviate from government orders.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-35
Author(s):  
O. Yu. Kuzmin

The present research featured the development of the Northern Kemerovo region. The paper focuses on the case of the village of Chumay in the Kiya river basin. The development of Russian settlements along the Kiya remains understudied. Existing publications give different foundation dates for the villages in the area of Prichulym'e. The Russians first came to the Kiya basin in the early XVII century. However, they were slow to settle down for a number of reasons. First, it was the military confrontation with the Yenisei Kirghiz. Second, the local taiga and mountains were impassable and unsuitable for farming. In addition, the existing communication routes were far from the Kia basin. The article describes the prerequisites and conditions for the emergence of Russian villages in this territory. The research was based on rare historical sources, e.g. memoirs of local residents and parochial documents, related to the foundation of the village of Chumay located in the Chebulinsk district of the Kemerovo region. The research revealed the settling process and some new data on the first settlers. The findings refute the thesis that this territory of the Kemerovo region was settled exclusively by fugitives and exiles in the XVII–XVIII centuries. The Russian advanced into the Kiya river basin after the military threat from the Kirghiz had been eliminated. Second, the indigenous peoples were converted to Christianity and had to pay tribute in furs. Third, a section of the Moscow-Siberian tract was built in the vicinity. Finally, voluntary migrants willing to settle down in the area were given a free piece of land. Unlike the rest of the Kemerovo region, the lands along the Kiya river were colonized by the Russians much later. The government colonization was organized and started "from above". It was represented mainly by voluntary immigrants. The research also revealed the role of migrants from the Caucasus in the development of the Kiya basin as they set up new settlements and went to live in sparsely populated villages.


Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.


2018 ◽  
pp. 16-31
Author(s):  
Tatyana Denisova

For the first time in Russian African studies, the author examines the current state of agriculture, challenges and prospects for food security in Ghana, which belongs to the group of African countries that have made the most progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The SDGs are a collection of 17 global goals adopted by UN member states in 2015 with a view of achieving them by 2030. The SDGs include: ending poverty in all its forms everywhere (Goal 1); ending hunger, achieving food security and improved nutrition, and promoting sustainable agriculture (2); ensuring healthy lives and promoting well-being for all at all ages (3), etc. These goals are considered fundamental because the achievement of a number of other SDGs – for example, ensuring quality education (4), achieving gender equality (5), ensuring sustainable consumption and production patterns (12), etc. – largely depends on their implementation. Ghana was commended by the world community for the significant reduction in poverty, hunger and malnutrition between 2000 and 2014, i.e. for the relatively successful implementation of the first of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs, 2000–2015) – the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger. However, SDGs require more careful study and planning of implementation measures. In order to achieve the SDGs, the Government of Ghana has adopted a number of programs, plans and projects, the successful implementation of which often stumbles upon the lack of funding and lack of coordination between state bodies, private and public organizations, foreign partners – donors and creditors, etc., which are involved in the processes of socioeconomic development of Ghana. The author determines the reasons for the lack of food security in Ghana, gives an assessment of the state of the agricultural sector, the effective development of which is a prerequisite for the reduction of poverty and hunger, primarily due to the engagement of a significant share (45%) of the economically active population in this sector. The study shows that the limited growth in food production is largely due to the absence of domestic markets and necessary roads, means of transportation, irrigation and storage infrastructure, as well as insufficient investment in the agricultural sector, rather than to a shortage of fertile land or labor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-112
Author(s):  
Michał Skoczyński

Abstract The article presents the military cooperation between the King of Galician-Volhynian Ruthenia, Daniel Romanowicz, and the Dukes of Mazovia, Konrad and his son Siemowit. The alliance, based as a counterweight for the cooperation between the King of Hungary and the Piast princes of Lesser Poland, who were trying to conquer Ruthenia and dominate all Piast principalities in then fragmented Poland. It lasted for several decades from the 1220’s to the 1260’s and was primarly aimed at mutual protection against the invasions of the pagan Yotvingians and supporting each other in armed conflicts. The text contains an analysis of war expeditions, tactics and ways of support that were given by both sides of the allianace. It is a new point of view on this aspect of political strategy of both sides that in some ways defined the regional situation. Ruthenians granted masovian Piasts some mobile and political uncommited support in fight with their relatives in Poland, and also secured their border with the Yotvingians. On the other hand, masovian knights were an additional strike force in ruthenian plundering expeditions to Yotvingia. The research was based on the analysis of preserved historical sources and scientific literature using historical methodology.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raphaël van Steenberghe

Proportionality is a condition provided under both jus ad bellum and jus in bello. Based on a particular interpretation of state practice and international case law, recent legal literature argues that the two notions of proportionality are interrelated in that proportionality under jus in bello is included in the assessment of proportionality under jus ad bellum. This article seeks to refute such a position and, more generally, to clarify the relationship between the two notions of proportionality.The main argument of the article is in line with the traditional position regarding the relationship between jus ad bellum and jus in bello. It is argued that, although sharing common features and being somewhat interconnected, the notions of proportionality provided under these two separate branches of international law remain independent of each other, mainly because of what is referred to in this article as the ‘general versus particular’ dichotomy, which characterises their relations. Proportionality under jus ad bellum is to be measured against the military operation as a whole, whereas proportionality under jus in bello is to be assessed against individual military attacks launched in the framework of this operation.This article nonetheless emphasises the risk of overlap between the assessments of the two notions of proportionality when the use of force involves only one or a few military operations. Indeed, in such situations, the ‘general versus particular’ dichotomy, which normally enables one to make a distinct assessment between the two notions of proportionality, is no longer applicable since it becomes impossible to distinguish between the military operation as a whole and the individual military attacks undertaken during this operation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Dmitriy M. Abramov ◽  

Historical sources and evidence of the eyewitnesses of the 4th crusade in many respects reflect the complexity and sharpness of the contradictions between the Western and Eastern Christendom at the turn of the 12th – 13th centuries. The evidence and narrations proceed from the most direct participants in the military events, broke out on the shore of the Bosporus in 1203–1204. The authors of those materials belonged to the two opposing camps, and therefore the analysis of those sources represents a sufficiently complete and detailed picture of the occurred tragedy. A thorough analysis of the sources makes it possible to at least partially see and comprehend the causes of the military confrontation between the Western and Eastern Christians, who represented – just a while ago, in the first half of the 11th century – the united Ecumenical Church. The sources vividly reflect the mood that prevailed in the crusaders’ encampment in April, 1204, hesitation and doubt of the bulk of the Cross Warriors who were not sure of the rightness of their actions in the preparation for the assault of Constantinople. Many of them understood that they would have to raise the sword against their fellow believers – the Christians of the East. But the most tragic outcome of the 1202–1204 Crusade was the crushing defeat of Constantinople by the Cross Warriors. For the Romans (Byzantines) that became the reason for the disintegration of the Roman Empire. For all Eastern Christians it indicated the demise of the capital of the Orthodox Christendom.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document