After the Fact

2018 ◽  
pp. 120-150
Author(s):  
Sara Blair

In “After the Fact: Postwar Dissent and the Art of Documentary,” Sara Blair analyzes the redirection of photo-documentary practice by visual artists Richard Avedon and Martha Rosler. Specifically, the chapter emphasizes the self-consciousness with which postwar figures represent and conduct their labor for a context of urgent social crisis and dissent. Both photographers experiment with the properties and forms of documentary imaging, wrested from its familiar contexts: Avedon in an evolving series of portraits of New Left leaders, activists, war prosecutors, and dissidents made in the United States and on the ground in Vietnam, Rosler in projects focusing on the role of photojournalism, documentary, and the media itself in perpetuating both a fog of war and a set of presumptions about documentary as a form of knowledge and power.

1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-503
Author(s):  
Robert Weiner

Karl Marx and the United States is a subject which immediately elicits interest, but also surprise. Interest, because of its contemporary importance; surprise, because Marx and America have appeared so remote from one another. Marx has definitely influenced America, but that will not be the theme of this essay —instead, we will concern ourselves with the role of America in the thought of Marx. The magnitude of this role is illustrated by a statement made in Marx's letter to Abraham Lincoln, written in 1864 on behalf of the International Workingmen's Association:The workingmen of Europe feel sure that as the American war of independence initiated a new era of the ascendency of the middle-class, so the American Anti-slavery war will do for the working-class.


2005 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 357-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL HEALE

The years following the Second World War, according to the Norwegian scholar Sigmund Skard, witnessed the “Rediscovery of America,” as European academics belatedly turned their attention to the United States at a time when its pre-eminent global role could not be ignored. In Britain some believed that the awakening was already under way, the Principal of what became Exeter University having described 1941 as the year of the British “discovery of America.” The jarring realization that the very survival of Britain depended on a close alliance with the American giant had precipitated not only frenetic governmental activity but also intense interest in the United States throughout the media. Perhaps the “discovery” or “rediscovery” of America in British consciousness cannot be dated with exact precision, but the years from the war to the mid-1960s may fairly be called the “take-off period” for the academic study of American history in Britain. This essay briefly considers the role of some of the participants in this endeavour.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. e0254127
Author(s):  
Sara Kazemian ◽  
Sam Fuller ◽  
Carlos Algara

Pundits and academics across disciplines note that the human toll brought forth by the novel coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic in the United States (U.S.) is fundamentally unequal for communities of color. Standing literature on public health posits that one of the chief predictors of racial disparity in health outcomes is a lack of institutional trust among minority communities. Furthermore, in our own county-level analysis from the U.S., we find that counties with higher percentages of Black and Hispanic residents have had vastly higher cumulative deaths from COVID-19. In light of this standing literature and our own analysis, it is critical to better understand how to mitigate or prevent these unequal outcomes for any future pandemic or public health emergency. Therefore, we assess the claim that raising institutional trust, primarily scientific trust, is key to mitigating these racial inequities. Leveraging a new, pre-pandemic measure of scientific trust, we find that trust in science, unlike trust in politicians or the media, significantly raises support for COVID-19 social distancing policies across racial lines. Our findings suggest that increasing scientific trust is essential to garnering support for public health policies that lessen the severity of the current, and potentially a future, pandemic.


Author(s):  
Nancy A. Naples

Drawing on a materialist feminist analysis of austerity discourse, this chapter foregrounds the dynamics of gender, race, nation, and class to put into sharp relief the “relations of ruling” that contour the everyday lives of diverse individuals, families, communities, and nations during and following the Great Recession of 2008–9. This approach allows for a comparison of the role of the state in the United States and Europe and considers the intersection of the media, state actors, and economic analysts in post-liberal state governance. This multi-institutional approach enhances our understanding of general patterns across the United States and the European Union as well as differences between nations.


2018 ◽  
Vol 108 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 1118-1146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Bils ◽  
Peter J. Klenow ◽  
Benjamin A. Malin

Employment and hours are more cyclical than dictated by productivity and consumption. This intratemporal labor wedge can arise from product or labor market distortions. Based on employee wages, the literature has attributed the intratemporal wedge almost entirely to labor market distortions. Because wages may be smoothed versions of labor's true cyclical price, we instead examine the self-employed and intermediate inputs, respectively. For recent decades in the United States, we find price markup movements are at least as cyclical as wage markup movements. Thus, countercyclical price markups deserve a central place in business-cycle research, alongside sticky wages and matching frictions. (JEL E24, E32, E63, J31, J41)


1996 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 420-441 ◽  
Author(s):  
SUE MAHAN ◽  
RICHARD LAWRENCE

Three of the most infamous prison riots in the United States took place in Attica, New York; Santa Fe, New Mexico; and Lucasville, Ohio in 1971, 1980, and 1993, respectively. Although an examination of the three riots reveals differences in the uprisings, there are important similarities in the underlying conditions behind them. Analysis of the three riots shows the significant role played by representatives of the media both in negotiating with inmates and taking back the three institutions. In this article, the authors discuss the influence and effect of media coverage on prison riots based on what was learned from the participation of the media in the Attica, Santa Fe, and Lucasville uprisings.


Author(s):  
M. Elfan Kaukab ◽  
Atinia Hidayah

The United States has a range of methods that is strong enough to carry out propaganda. The role of the mass media and Hollywood movie industry have become a tool of war used by the United States. The media is very influential in persuading one's thoughts and actions. Media is also able to carry out its social construction to wrap reality into an ideal one which is strongly believed because it has been occurring over periods of time. The purpose of this research is to analyze the United States in dominating global influence through Hollywood as a media that plays a role in running propaganda politics. The method used is an explanative analysis of the Black Panther movie. The result of this research is the significant role of the mass media in reconstructing global social conditions by the United States which tries to maintain its dominance through various kinds of propaganda, including those carried out through the production of Hollywood movies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (6) ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
Pavel Ivanov ◽  

The article examines the ideological contradictions and specificity of the Black Lives Matter movement in Europe and the development of the All Lives Matter response movement. The author analyzes the causes and patterns of the outbreak of anti-racist protests in the European space in 2020, their cultural roots in the United States and the reaction of traditionalists. The conflict potential of socio-political challenges and the acuteness of disagreements in the context of a new dichotomy and the need to search for a new identity are revealed. Conclusions are made about the similarity of the socio-political demarcation in a number of EU countries and the United States, the role and place of European countries in this conflict are determined. The author analyzes the correlation of US political culture with the process of public dialogue about the problem of racism in Europe, the role of «Cancel» culture and the consolidation of contradictions in the socio-political split among traditionalists and their opponents. Arguments are made in favor of the further development of the ideological conflict in a new dimension and the inevitable exacerbation of the problems of xenophobia.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Hirschman

Studies of the political power of economic knowledge have tended to foreground the role of causal claims in the form of grand theories or more narrow findings produced by experimental methods. In contrast, scholars have paid relatively little attention to the role of economic experts' descriptions. This article highlights one category of influential, quantitative descriptive claim: stylized facts. Stylized facts are simple empirical regularities in need of explanation. Focusing on the example of the gender wage gap in the United States, this article showcases how stylized facts travel into political debates, and how the choices made in characterizing an aspect of economic life (such as controlling for full-time work, but little else) interact with social movement activism, and folk understandings of economic life shaped by legal consciousness. The gender wage gap was first calculated in the 1950s, but did not take on special importance until the 1960s-1970s when feminists rallied around the statistic as a useful aggregate measure of women's economic disempowerment. Academics soon followed, and sociologists and economists began to publish studies documenting trends in the gap and trying to account for its sources. The comparable worth movement of the 1980s explicitly argued that the wage gap resulted from occupational segregation and the devaluation of women's work. As that movement faltered in the late 1980s, the gender wage gap became increasingly understood through the lens of women's choices and tradeoffs between work and family, and occupational segregation dropped out of the narrative, even as academics documented the persistent importance of segregation in explaining the remaining gap. Throughout this period, the gap was frequently misunderstood or misrepresented as reflecting the narrow sort of same-job, different-pay discrimination made illegal by the 1963 Equal Pay Act, adding confusion to the public debate over women's economic position. These dynamics showcase how technical choices made in the identification of stylized facts, such as statistical controls, are simultaneously deeply political choices.


Author(s):  
Herb Boyd

This chapter considers the role of the Black press and, to a more limited extent, the Latino press in Obama's campaign. Given his desire to transcend race and ethnicity yet his need to mobilize Black and Latino voters, this specialized press played a key role in the campaign. Before Obama became the forty-fourth President of the United States, his campaign was viewed in three major ways by the media: There were those who cheered him along; those uncertain what to make of him but who retained a tame, mainstream, “wait and see” perspective; and those whose views ranged from “critically supportive” to firmly opposed. Since his election, there has been little change in these assessments, though at this time there is a clearer delineation between those for and against Obama in the mainstream media as they gather a better understanding of his pragmatic tendencies on policy and issues.


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