scholarly journals Textual Analysis of Power of the Government of Indonesia and Aceh in the Helsinki MoU

TEKNOSASTIK ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Rosaria Mita Amalia

Ethno-national conflict in Aceh struggling for independence from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia was waged for almost three decades since 1976. The military approach taken by the Government of Indonesia (GOI) for years was unable to bring the conflict to an end. Since then, conflict resolution through diplomatic mechanism was initiated by involving third party mediator. The massive natural disasters, earthquake and the tsunami that hit the region in December 2004 prior to the peace agreement between Government of Indonesia and GAM (Free Aceh Movement). The parties committed to agree the memorandum of understanding which known as Helsinki MoU. This research questions whose party more powerful is, Government of Indonesia or Aceh The question can be answered by using Critical Discourse Analysis as a tool. The linguistics instruments can show power which is dominated or not by one of the parties. Based on the findings in this study, it is confirmed that no one from two parties is more powerful than another. It is shown that the power between GOI and GAM is balanced. In other words, based on the analysis of MOU Helsinki, their position is adequate.

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh


Kadera Bahasa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Hitijahubessy ◽  
Nurul Chojimah ◽  
Esti Junining

Riots in Moluccas were one of the biggest conflicts in Indonesia that occurred in 2000-2002, no wonder the incident was a concern of many parties, especially the mass media. However, the mass media is also not free from bias because there are ideologies that can affect the content of the news. For this reason, researchers conducted a study on the representation of the Moluccas riots in Siwalima. The focus of this research is on  problem of the study, how was the linguistic representation of the Moluccas riots in Siwalima?the objective of the study is to investigate the linguistic representation of Moluccas riots in Siwalima.This study used a qualitative method with Fairclough's (1995) model of Critical Discourse Analysis to help on the process of data analysis. The data used was linguistic representation of Moluccas riots in Siwalima. The researchers found that the linguistic representation of the Moluccas riots in Siwalima highlights more about the incompetence of the government and the military in dealing with the conflict. Hence, the military was considered to have favored only one particular group, even participated in extending the conflict and making native Moluccan victims of the conflict. The condition of Moluccas at that time was also represented as a gloomy event.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (6) ◽  
pp. 184-205
Author(s):  
Izet Hadžić ◽  
◽  
Ahmed Hadžić

At the beginning of the paper we explain the territorial differences between the Washington and Dayton Peace Solutions, which especially refers to the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton and focuses only on the Tuzla region and its specifics in relation to other regions in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We then present the basic elements of the Washington Agreement, the meetings that preceded it, the content of the agreement, the principles of the Vienna Agreement important for the organization of the canton, as well as active monitoring and consideration of the agreement by the Tuzla District Assembly and its views on international community plans. We also monitor the implementation and importance of the implementation of the Washington Agreement in the Tuzla region and the creation of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, explain the name of the canton and use demographic data based on the 1991 census to indicate that Podrinje is a Bosniak-majority region. Then we give an overview of how the implementation of the Washington Agreement reflected on the normalization of food prices, the situation in the canton and the strengthening of the combat power of the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the II Corps of the Army of B&H. The paper describes the jurisdiction of the President of the Canton, the Government of the Canton, national representation by agreement of SDA and HDZ, the composition of the government, the reasons for non-participation of Serbs in implementation and talks with the Serb Civic Council to participate in organizing ministries. We especially present the activities of the President and the Government of the Canton on supporting the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, II Corps and strengthening defense, budget funds for these purposes: action: „We are all B&H Army“, support for displaced persons and improving living conditions in protected areas of Srebrenica and Žepa We also describe the activities of the authorities during the fall of the protected zones of Srebrenica and Žepa, for the care of the displaced population, as well as the requests to the institutions of the international community to stop and prevent genocide against the Bosniaks of Srebrenica. We especially emphasize the activity of the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton Ministry of the Interior in preserving public order and peace. We are especially dealing with the military situation in the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton, presenting significant military successes through the liberation of Lisača on the Kalesija front, Vis near Gračanica, Vijenac near Lukavac, Greda on Majevica, as well as the crushing of enemy offensives „Spreča-95“ and others. In this paper, we argue the support of Russian diplomacy to the aggressor and link Russia's diplomatic activities through the contact group and other accomplices of the conspiracy group towards the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In a complex situation such as that in Bosnia and Herzegovina, when a Serbian aggressor with the support of insurgent Serbs in Bosnia and Herzegovina commits genocide, a joint criminal enterprise with the support of the Croatian state led by Tuđman and Croats mainly from Herzegovina win over Fikret Abdić to organize a quisling creation „autonomous region of Western Bosnia“ and opening a conflict with the Army of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The support of the Tuzla District Assembly to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Government of Bosnia and Herzegovina in their efforts to stop the war and find a peaceful solution was significant. Also, the authorities of the District of Tuzla vigorously condemned the divisions on the national principle as well as the division of the territory of the District of Tuzla. In this paper, we have processed the proposals of the Assembly of the District of Tuzla to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina according to individual peace solutions. The inadmissibility of the Dayton Peace Solution for the Tuzla-Podrinje Canton authorities and the SDA Cantonal Committee was specifically addressed as well as the reasons and request to President Alija Izetbegović and the negotiating team of Bosnia and Herzegovina to leave the Dayton negotiations, and then the request to Izetbegović to clarify the reasons for accepting such an unjust peace agreement.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Jarjani Usman

The Free Aceh Movement, locally called Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM), developed several unique political discourses after having signed a peace accord with the Government of Indonesia (GoI) in Helsinki in 2005. The discourses created are metaphorical in Acehnese language, aimed to structure people’s mind and to be accepted and transformed into their actions that supported GAM during pre-public election post conflicts. However, research on analyzing the metaphors is scant. This research used Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980a, 1980b) conceptual metaphor and Fairclough’s framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to critically analyze the political discourses in order to unveil the meaning and their ideology position. The research shows the most commonly used metaphor was ELECTION IS A BATTLE. However, the currently used political metaphors are more persuasive, urging people to voluntarily come back to their political party, than previously used ones that seemed to strongly force people to be on their side.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-37
Author(s):  
Dian Muslimah

Natural disasters often lead to social change, and the changes of structural society often lead to post-disaster conflicts in the community. When a natural disaster occurs, the mass media became one of the main elements that preach it to the outside world through a text message. While the news is the result of social construction that always involving views, ideologies and values. Construction performed by mass media does not take place in an empty space, but it is loaded with interests especially for the news of conflict, because it contains a high value news. This study aimed to determine the focus on post disaster situations on Kompas news, and how Kompas taking up the post-conflicts on Padang earthquake within community through text message construction. This study is focused on the news text in the Kompas Daily that contain post earthquake conflict during October, 2009, and will be analyzed using critical discourse analysis of Teun Van Dijk's three levels of analysis methods. Seen from the analysis result of post-disaster conflict news text that occurred in Padang, the post- disaster conflict news had conducted by Kompas daily with a great caution. News themes of conflict that raised were not presented the opinion of both parties who are in conflict in the same text news. From the social analysis of this research, conflicts regarding to natural disaster relief as happened in West Sumatra were included in the conflict caused by differences in the aspirations between parties, which led to negative attitudes and perceptions to other party. While the result of social cognition analysis to Kompas, found that past experiences lead Kompas applying style crab journalism that being cautious, especially in conflict review. Kompas Daily also apply transcendental humanism principles to make it accepted by all parties. Moreover, the presence of Standardization Language team (BP) that standardize the language, makes the language style used by Kompas become more delicate and polite. In the earthquake disaster that occurred in Padang, the conflict was happened vertically, between the community and government caused by the unequal distribution of aid. By the factors, conflicts are often caused by the process of social change are not equally experienced by people in the community structure, the social changes experiencing by the post-disaster community are caused by unexpected pressure beyond human capability as well as the factor of interest (of the government/ authorities) which further leads to survival instinct. But apparently behind the process of social change that led to conflict, post-disaster conflict was caused by the society attempts to get back the means of production due to the changing mode of production caused by natural disasters. This effort makes a vertical conflict between the government as a resource owners and the community as a group that does not have the resources, which leads to collective action such as protests against the policies of aid distribution that are deemed unfair.Keywords : Disasters, Conflicts, Critical Discourse Analysis


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Bogdan Chrzanowski

The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Saptorini Listianingsih

This study uses van Dijk’s version of Critical Discourse Analysis perspective to examine the news construction of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia’s disbandment in two online newspapers. The two online newspapers used in this study are the Jakarta Post and Jakarta Globe. From the analysis, it shows us that based on textual analysis, the government and HTI are portrayed as two opposing parties. The government is described as ruling regime having authority to maintain national interests that is Pancasila as well as national unity, diversity, and security, while HTI is described as the organization against national interest. Thus, the disbandment of HTI is a correct step to defend national interests. This is in accordance with the developing discourse in society that the existence of HTI is considered to endanger Pancasila. Furthermore, this research revealed that the history, vision mission, previous experience and the political interest of special political elites in media has had decisive influence in transforming reality into news texts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-152
Author(s):  
Khagan Balayev ◽  

On April 28, 1920, the Peoples Republic of Azerbaijan was overthrown as a result of the intrusion of the military forces of Russia and the support of the local communists, the Soviet power was established in Azerbaijan. The Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan and the Council of Peoples Commissars continued the language policy of the Peoples Republic of Azerbaijan. On February 28, 1921, the Revolutionary Committee of Azerbaijan issued an instruction on the application of Russian and Turkish as languages for correspondences in the government offices. On June 27, 1924, the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic executed the resolution of the second session of the Central Executive Committee of Transcaucasia and issued a decree “on the application of the official language, of the language of the majority and minority of the population in the government offices of the republic”. Article 1 of the said decree declared that the official language in the Azerbaijani Soviet Socialist Republic was Turkish.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Reni Kumalasari

This article tries to explain how the relationship between Islam and politics after the conflict between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement (GAM). After the peace agreement between the two parties with the signing of the Helsinki MoU, the Indonesian government interpreted the agreement in Law No. 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (UUPA). The presence of the act makes the ulama a partner of the government in running the wheels of government by giving fatwa on issues of government, development, community development, and the economy. Furthermore, after peace, the role of the ulama was not only to give knowledge to the community, some ulama participated in practical politics. This was one of the effects of the UUPA, where Aceh was given the privilege of establishing local political parties. At present some ulama have occupied various positions in party management, and even participated in the regional head election (PILKADA), where religious values are used as a means of gaining power.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaina Singh

On August 13th 2010, the MV Sun Sea ship carrying 492 Tamil asylum seekers arrived off of the coast of British Columbia. Immediately upon arrival the Tamil asylum seekers were detained for a prolonged period of time, subjected to intensified interrogation techniques, and unfairly questioned even when in possession of identifying documents. This paper examines how the government used political discourse to try and justify the unusually harsh detention of asylum seekers. Through a critical discourse analysis strategy, eight newspaper articles will be analyzed and the theories of securitization, discourse, and orientalism will be used to advance certain political ideologies. The political justifications of detention operate through the theme of the egocentric state, and the theme of categorizing and demonizing asylum seekers. The final theme discussed is the concept of victimization, which will offer an alternate perspective to this paper’s main focus on political discourse.


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