scholarly journals Media component of geopolitical clashes: Black Sea Basin area

Moldoscopie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mihai Lescu ◽  

The collapse of the Soviet Empire and the dizzying development of new communication technologies, led to the geopolitical reconfiguration of the world, but also opened the way for the former Soviet republics to democracy and collaboration with European countries. As NATO and the EU advance towards Russia’s borders, it makes both military and ideological propaganda efforts to keep the territories of the past under its influence. Not without the competition of Russia in the countries of the “close neighborhood”- Ukraine, the Republic Of Moldova and Georgia were inspired conflicts, called to preserve military, political, ideological and economic control over these regions. A fierce battle is also waging by Russia for the strengthening of its positions in the Black Sea region, where geoprafically Ukraine, the Republic Of Moldova and Georgia are located. The article highlights the strategies, tactics and techniques applied by the Russian media in order to achieve geopolitical goals.

Author(s):  
Viacheslav Tsivatyi

The article is analyzed and systematized Romanian activity of non-governmental agencies, as a tool for promoting national interests in the Black Sea region; and experience Bucharest promotion of regional initiatives at the level of non-governmental organizations during the period of 2006-2018. The attention to the experience of Ukraine in communicating with non-governmental organizations. It is characterized by the example of Romania features and forms of implementation unofficial diplomacy (diplomacy governmental actors) in contemporary international relations and the role of unofficial diplomacy in resolving international conflicts. The relevance of the study is determined not only by the intensification of the policy of Romania in the Black Sea region with the promotion of the interests of the EU, the U.S.A and NATO, but it is also determined by the Russian factor in the context of recent events in Ukraine, as well as by the presence for a long time a number of problems in the Ukrainian-Romanian relations and by the need of the complex and generalized approach to solution of these problems. Given the objective interest of Romania to maintain stability on its eastern border and to prevent the emergence of new factors that can have an adversely affect on the achievement by Bucharest of its long-term interests on the Republic of Moldova, the Romanian side is likely to use the restraint – positive rhetoric concerning Ukraine avoiding public critical evaluations of certain political events in our country. The conclusions note that Ukraine's policy in relations with Romania should be to maximize the use of existing and, if necessary, create new mechanisms to ensure the national interests of our state, in particular, international instruments / instruments of influence on the policy of Romania that already exist or may arise as a result of Romania's cooperation with third countries and its activities in international organizations.  Pay particular attention to the search for common interests and opportunities for Ukraine-Romania cooperation in the framework of the development of Ukraine's relations with the EU, NATO, as well as within the framework of the organizations with which both countries are members. In 2016-2018, the very activity of non-governmental actors (diplomacy of non-governmental actors) and their diplomatic tools in the globalized polycentric modern world should become an important factor in the development of the Romanian-Ukrainian bilateral relations. Keywords: foreignpolicy, diplomacy, diplomacy model, national interests, institutionalization, diplomacy of non-governmentalactors, Romania, Ukraine


Author(s):  
Sedat AYBAR

This paper examines the impact of co-operation between Turkey and  the US upon Turkish trade and investments towards the Black Sea  region. The study is particularly important in the conjuncture of the  US withdrawal from the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and in the wake of signing a free  trade agreement with the EU. An additional matter of importance  relates to the improved Turkey – Russia economic collaboration especially after the “jet” incident and American  involvement with the Middle East. Significant part of the latter is  economic as the US has also explicit economic interests in the  Eastern Meditteranean. A gravity model has been employed using  ordinary least squares on a panel data with fixed effects to analyse aggregate trade. We have also categorized export groups of  Turkey and the US separately. Our findings for both Turkish and the US exports indicate that per-capita GDP of Black Sea countries are  highly persistent and positively correlated with increased efficiency  gains and trade volumes. Regression results show that the US  exports to the EU member countries are on average less than to  those non-EU member Black Sea countries. Hence, we question  whether a possible co-operation between the US and Turkish  companies can help gaining better access to the Black Sea market for their exports.


Author(s):  
Tomasz Ciesielski ◽  

General Consulate of the Republic of Poland established in Odessa in 2003 is the third Polish diplomatic mission in the Black Sea region of present – day Ukraine. The second Polish consulate, representing the reviving Polish statehood, functioned at the Black Sea between January 1919 and the beginning of February 1920, with almost a 5-month-long break, during the first Bolshevik occupation of Odessa. Zenon Belina Brzozowki was the consul in office during the period of January, 4, 1919 to March, 3, 1919 and then again since the end of August, (between April and August he stayed in Istanbul), in October and November, 1919 he was replaced by Stanisław Srokowski, a diplomat in the rank of I class consul, i.e. the present general consul. The consulate changed its location few times, and in different months the number of its employees varied from a few people to over a dozen. The consulat functioned in Odessa until March, 3, 1920 when it was evacuated along with a large group of Polish citizens because of the inevitability of the Bolshevik takeover of the city. Consulate staff and archives reached Warsaw in March 1920. Not many archival materials regarding the functioning of Polish consulat in the Black Sea region were saved.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 10
Author(s):  
Svitlana Ovcharenko

The article analyzes the achievements, prospects and issues of Ukrainian cultural diplomacy in the Black Sea region. It outlines different levels of cultural cooperation in the region, in which the goals of Ukraine's cultural diplomacy can be realized: cooperation within UNESCO, cooperation within the Eastern European Partnership, cooperation within the Black Sea Economic Cooperation (BSEC), cooperation within bilateral cultural contacts. It is emphasized that all formats of cultural interaction complement each other and can have a synergistic effect. It is noted that Ukraine is one of the few countries that has participated in the ICDS testing, and together with Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan can set a precedent for the regional application of this methodology by UNESCO. Ukrainian cultural diplomacy in the Black Sea region is also considered in connection with the state’s European integration obligations under the "Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU". Summarizing the level of activity in the field of cultural diplomacy in the region, it is noted that Ukraine is not fully aware of the importance of cultural diplomacy tools for resolving the conflict situation related to the occupation of the Crimean Peninsula by the Russian Federation. Examining the content of the "Strategy of Public Policy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine 2021-2025", a recommendation was made to supplement the list of target regions for cultural diplomacy of Ukraine with the Black Sea region as an integral socio-cultural object.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Boris Iurciuc ◽  
Andreas Scheidleder ◽  
Franko Humer

<p>The EU-funded program European Water Initiative Plus for Eastern Partnership Countries (EUWI+), which is the biggest commitment of the EU to the water sector in the EaP countries, helps Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine to bring their legislation closer to EU policy in the field of water management, as identified by the EU Water Framework Directive (WFD), with a main focus on the management of transboundary river basins. It supports the development and implementation of pilot river basin management plans, building on the improved policy framework and ensuring a strong participation of local stakeholders.</p><p>Project funding is provided by the European Commission (DG NEAR), the EU support program for improved cooperation in the eastern EU neighborhood region and the EU Water Initiative Plus (EUWI+). On a national level, financial support comes from the Austrian Development Agency, the Austrian Federal Ministry for Sustainability and Tourism as well as from the French Office International de l’Eau. Up to 2020, management plans for selected river basins and transboundary rivers will be implemented under the leadership of a European project consortium headed by the Environment Agency Austria.</p><p>In the Republic of Moldova the River Basin Management Plan for the Moldovan part of the Danube-Prut and Black Sea River Basin District was elaborated by the Institute of Ecology and Geography in accordance with the WFD and the Water Law of the Republic of Moldova no. 272 of 23.11.2011. This management plan needed a review and update for approval and its implementation into practice.</p><p>The presented study comprises a review and an update of the existing delineation and characterization of groundwater bodies (GWBs) in the Danube-Prut and Black Sea River Basin (DPBSRB) of the Republic of Moldova as well as a review of the current groundwater monitoring design. The GWBs are the management units under the WFD and all further implementation steps (risk and status assessment, programs of measures)which regard to groundwater are linked to these GWBs.</p><p>Extensive information, e.g. on the geological structure, the hydrogeological conditions, lithology, flow directions and the human pressures on the aquifers in the DPBSRB, has been collected, generalized and analyzed. Within the area of the DPBSRB in total eleven GWBs were identified, covering all aquifers which are relevant for all current and future legitimate uses and functions and relevant for groundwater associated or dependent aquatic and terrestrial ecosystems.</p><p>The groundwater monitoring design both for quantity and quality was reviewed including the monitoring network, frequency, parameters, use of monitoring data, responsibilities and data management. Based on that results, concrete improvements of the monitoring network within the EUWI+ project are planned.</p>


2022 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Ioan Gabriel Moise ◽  
Edith-Hilde Kaiter

From ancient times the dominion of the seas has been a condition for gaining power and influence, and the position of a state near a sea has been an advantage for both its development and the neighboring region.           Due to its geographical position, the Black Sea is a region of great importance for all actors claiming leading positions in the world hierarchy and the intensification of economic relations between the states of the region after the end of the Soviet monopoly and its connection to the world market generated auspices for a new cycle development and regional prosperity.         The relocation of the EU border to the Black Sea, along with the integration of Romania and Bulgaria, brings in many economic benefits, given its dependence on oil imports, but its expansion, like that of NATO, does not only mean benefits. The EU and NATO must also take on vulnerabilities in the area, such as underperforming economies, arms, drug and human trafficking, illegal immigration or frozen conflicts, and thus try to help stabilize the region. In recent years, the military has not only played a destabilizing role, but has made a decisive contribution to ensuring the security of the Black Sea region. In this sense, the military naval forces of the riparian countries, including Romania, had a special role. Through the wide range of missions in which the Romanian Naval Forces participate in the Danubian-Pontic space, both internally and externally, in cooperation with the states bordering the Black Sea and with the NATO member states, Romania contributes to the promotion of regional security and stability. The naval diplomacy actions carried out in the last thirty years thus reveal not only the role and purpose of the Romanian Naval Forces within NATO in the actions of maintaining and consolidating good relations with the states bordering the Black Sea, as well as maintaining security with allies in the distant maritime districts. They also point out that naval diplomacy has contributed to the expression of foreign policy in different areas and with means that have increased its effect, impact and efficiency.  


Geoadria ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 3
Author(s):  
Boian Koulov

The EU Marine Strategy Directive (2008/56/EC) proposes four marine regions as a political geographic framework for implementation of the Community's environmental policy. This study critically analyzes the state-based approach, which the Directive uses to outline the regions' boundaries. It suggests that environmental sustainability of marine odies strongly depends on the geographic congruence between their watersheds and the borders of the respective environmental management system, i.e., marine regions have to be environmentally managed within their watersheds. The proposed watershed-based approach also takes into consideration all elements – water, land, and air – of marine regions, which is a conditio sine qua non for their integrated and sustainable management. In the case of the Black Sea region in particular, the borders of a watershed-based environmental management system include a much wider set of stakeholder countries and enable a higher level of environmental cooperation among them.


Author(s):  
Tatjana Nazarova ◽  
Olga Redkinа

Introduction. The article considers the processes of resettlement of the Mennonites in the Black Sea region in the 19th century and solving the land issue which is closely connected with it. Methods and materials. The archival documents of funds of the State archive of the Republic of Crimea and published materials from collections, first of all the acts devoted to the issue of foreign colonization in the Russian Empire formed the source base of the research. The general historical principles of historicism and objectivity and also specific methods are the methodological basis of the research: historical and comparative, historical and genetic, historical and system methods. Analysis. The analysis of the colonization legislation concerning foreign immigrants shows high interest of the government in involving the Mennonites to settling of Novorossiysk region. The land issue was resolved differently: till the 1840s all lands were given to the Mennonites to “eternal” possession of the whole colony, without the right of alienation to third parties; also because of the shortage of free state lands the colonists were granted the permission to buy lands; the government also bought comfortable lands to treasury for its distribution among the Mennonites. Results. The authors underline the following features of land management in Mennonite settlements: land plots were distributed by household and family, without splitting (sixty five tithes per family); there was a minority right, which led to an increase in the number of landless. In the second half of the 19th century resettlement of the Mennonites went due to the land purchase or long-term rent with the subsequent repayment, land plots began to be split.


Author(s):  
Nuri Demirel

Currently, the Republic of Turkey plays a vital role in international processes taking place on the world stage. Since ancient times, at the crossroads of the paths between the world of East and West, the Republic of Turkey claims to have an excellent position in the relations of these regions with each other, as well as in their internal processes and events. The universal location between Europe and Asia makes Turkish foreign policy one of its main political issues, especially in the field of regional cooperation. Moreover, the changes in the world of recent decades, such as the collapse of the USSR, revolutions and military operations in eastern countries, the transition of Crimea to Russia, lead to the fact that Turkey pursued its foreign policy thoughtfully and actively, taking the most advantageous positions for itself. An essential region for pursuing Turkish policy is the Black Sea region. The events of recent years have significantly affected him and the role that large states play in him, such as the Republic of Turkey and the Russian Federation. It also began to arouse great interest among states and regions of the Western world, such as the European Union. The changed geopolitical structure of the Black Sea region has led to the need for its members to determine their positions and areas of interaction in which they are ready to cooperate or, on the contrary, to oppose each other. In this article, the author will examine the relations of the Turkish Republic and the Russian Federation in the Black Sea region and its importance. In this study, political relations, security, economy, energy, and security will be discussed. In the conclusion of the study, the current state of Turkey-Russia relations and assessments will be made about its future.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olga Brusylovska ◽  
Volodymyr Dubovyk ◽  
Igor Koval

Political, economic and cultural borders are usually different from geographical ones; this also applies to the Black Sea region. Only six countries border the Black Sea: Bulgaria, Romania, Ukraine, Russia, Georgia and Turkey. But the Charter of the Organization of Black Sea Cooperation (BSEC) was also signed by Albania, Moldova, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Greece. Moldova can be geographically considered a part of the Black Sea region, as it is located between Ukraine and Romania and is close to the Black Sea. Greece is close to the mouth of the Bosporus, which connects the Black and Mediterranean Seas. Armenia does not border the Black Sea, but is located near it. Two other countries are located on the shores of other seas connected to the Black Sea by many waterways: Azerbaijan (via the Caspian) and Albania (via the Adriatic). Therefore, the definition of the Black Sea is based on the signing of the BSEC, which laid the foundation for modern economic and political relations between 11 countries in the region. However, the relevance of this monograph is primarily due to the fact that the BSEC has not become the main field of interaction for the Black Sea states. On the contrary, its current state can be bluntly described as “comatose”. Therefore, this collective monograph is devoted, firstly, to identifying the behaviour of the main systemic and non-systemic actors that determine the development of the regional system of the Black Sea region, and, secondly, to identify factors that affect these actors in order to predict their behaviour in the medium term. The purpose of the monograph is to identify the causes of the decline of the Black Sea regional system. The research dilemma can be formulated as follows: to what extent is this decline the result of the actions of the two regional leaders, Turkey and the Russian Federation, and to what extent is it due to non-systemic actors? Among the tasks is the identification of modern theoretical approaches that most adequately help to build a study of the dynamics of the Black Sea region. Also included in these tasks is the the identification of the following features: a) the policy of Turkey and Russia as regional leaders of the Black Sea region, b) the policies of the EU and NATO as the most influential international organizations, and c) the policies of China and Japan as non-systemic actors whose influence on the Black Sea is constantly growing. The concepts of systemic and non-systemic actors are critically important for this monograph. Therefore, a systematic approach was chosen for the study, which in turn provided an opportunity to: 1) consider the object under study (the Black Sea) as a complex system of input and output signals, 2) to establish the connection of the system with its environment (world politics, which is manifested in the politics of major world actors), and to 3) specify the object of study (the Black Sea) as a system that is limited by internally defined relationships between elements. A systematic approach to the phenomenon includes the analysis of: 1) the elements that make up the system, 2) the patterns of the origin and development of the phenomenon, 3) its evolution, 4) the reasons for the changes, and 5) the essence and laws of its development. The application of the systems approach first enabled the division of the Black Sea into a number of subsystems (including lower level systems, such as regional leaders, EU newcomers, New Eastern Europe, and the South Caucasus), and then allowed for an analysis of the harmonization of each subsystem within the overall purpose of the system. It further allowed for a final construction of a systemic hierarchy, and the hierarchy of factors which make up this system and contribute to its functioning. A prominent place in the study is given to the study of direct and feedback relations of the Black Sea with the EU, NATO, China and Japan, which constitute the environment of the regional system under study. Additional research methods were chosen, namely the prognostic method and the case study method; the selection of these methods provides for an opportunity not only to investigate individual cases, but also to apply the acquired knowledge in further scientific research on other cases. Scenario construction is a means of forecasting, which is used to predict the development of political events. This establishes a logical sequence of events, based on an existing or given situation. The scenarios focus on the connections between events and on the critical points where the effects can actually have an impact on the situation. Therefore, a study of the Black Sea’s place in world politics would be incomplete without trying to provide potential scenarios for the coming decades. The monograph focuses on the various developing relations in the Black Sea region, which over the years have been researched by the staff of the Department of International Relations of the Odessa I. I. Mechnikov National University. Accordingly, the work is structurally divided into eight sections, each of which covers a separate area of the foreign policy of international and national actors. The work is designed for everyone who is interested in foreign policy and international relations – from students to experts.


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