scholarly journals Typology of Family Names Derived with the Suffix -escu

Philologia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 72-86
Author(s):  
Viorica Raileanu ◽  
◽  
◽  

The suffix -escu „is used to form surnames of Romanian type”. The exclusively onomastic function of the suffix -escu is patronymic and expresses family descent. Thus, Grigorescu, formed after the model Grigore (father's first name) + the suffix -escu, can be understood as „Grigore’s son”. In Moldovan documents, derived with the suffix -escu names are found since the fourteenth century. Over time, when the mechanism of formation and their significance were understood, these derivatives became common. Formations with -escu appeared not only from the first name, as "is the rule", but also from other reference names. The officialization of the names formed with the suffix -escu took place only at the end of the 19th century, when they started to function as family names. In the local anthroponymy, most of the patronymics with the suffix -escu are formed from first names and surnames (various adjectives, nouns and verbs that, previously, were substantivized and used as anthroponyms). Although the patronymics derived with the suffix -escu are less attested in the Bessarabian onomasticon than in the rest of the Romanian territory, we still distinguish several types of formation of surnames with the suffix -escu. The themes to which the -escu suffix is attached confirm that this suffix is an anthroponymic one, characteristic of the formation of surnames.

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Krunoslav Puškar

This thesis deals with the analysis and description of the historical and contemporary anthroponymy of the Kalnik area of the Prigorje region on the basis of both archival and field research carried out throughout a longer period of time. Since there has not been any extensive onomastic reasearch in the very area to date, our goal was to determine the influence of linguistic and extralinguistic changes in the reaserched onomastic categories. The introduction of this thesis provides the geographical, sociohistorical, demographical and linguistic context of the researched area, whereas the subsequent chapters provide a list and analysis of confirmed first names, personal and family nicknames, as well as family names of the reaserched area. First names were researched during nine time periods with a duration of five years, beginning from 1802 and ending in 2014. Because of a wide researched area, we limited our research on the anthroponymic repertoire of the city of Križevci, in which 3020 first names (1579 male and 1441 female names) were confirmed. In the 19th century, during five analysed time periods, 1519 first names were confirmed, out of which 814 male and 705 female names, which were mostly simple based on their structure (91.64%). Concerning the provenance of the first names, we established that almost all names were either Christian names or translated Christian names and that national names occur very rarely and sporadically, only in the second half of the 19th century. By comparison, in the 20th and 21st century, during the last four time periods, 1501 first names have been confirmed, out of which 765 were male and 736 female names. Concerning their structure, they turned out to be mostly compound first names in the 1946- 1950 time period (55.69%), whereas in the 2010-2014 time period they turned out to be predominantly single (97.02%). Concerning their provenance, in the 1946-1950 time period 48.39% of male and 57.58% of female national names were confirmed, whereas in the last time period male national names amount to 4.05%, and female national names to only 1.27%. Personal nicknames are a special anthroponymic category which has not been researched in the Kalnik area. Having limited our field research on 13 places throughout the area, we confirmed 288 real personal nicknames, 245 male and 43 female nicknames, of mostly simple structure (95.14%), which are still mostly used in oral and informal communication. The motivation behind the nicknames has faithfully shown us the extralinguistic reality of the researched area. The most frequent motivational group of nicknames is the one of unknown motivation (23.96%), while the other confirmed groups are nicknames motivated by a first name (12,15%), a physical characteristic of the owner (12.15%), another characteristic of the owner (11,81%), a specific word used by the owner (8.33%), an animal (6.94%), a family name (6.60%), an occupation (6.25%), an ethnonym or toponym (4.51%), a family or social role (2.78%), a professional designation (1.38%), food (1.04%), a name for a plant (1.04%), a subject (0.69%), and another nickname (0.35%). The high frequency of nicknames of unknown motivation shows us the importance of future research of this anthroponymic category because, due to the passage of time, it is difficult to determine the real motivation of every nickname. We came to the same conclusion during our research of family nicknames, another specific anthroponymic category, still quite present in the Kalnik area. Having limited our field research on 12 places throughout the wide researched area, we managed to confirm 173 real family nicknames, whose designated motivational groups provided us with important sociolinguistic pieces of information. Concerning their structure, the majority of family nicknames turned out to be simple (N = 129), whereas concerning their motivation, the majority of family nicknames were of unknown motivation (N = 33). Other motivational groups were the following: a first name (N = 27), an occupation (N = 27), a family name (N = 25), a personal nickname (N = 22), a certain characteristic (N = 13), an ethnonym (N = 10), a toponym (N = 6), a certain subject (N = 6), and an animal (N = 4). All these mentioned different anthroponymic categories (first names, personal and family nicknames) can be confirmed profusely in the last anthroponymic category researched and analysed in this thesis – family names. Having employed the criterion of their minimum continuity of 100 years in the researched area, we have managed to confirm 1360 family names with centuries old continuity, since the 14th century to this very day. With this criterion we also managed to reduce a significant number of over 3000 family names with mostly no continuity, as well as to confirm those last names which had left their trace in the researched area. Of course, not all family names confirmed by this criterion are necessarily connected to the researched area, but are only detected in it. Out of 1360 confirmed family names, we succeeded in determining 189 family names which occur exclusively or mostly in the researched area, 100 family names which do not occur in contemporary anthroponymy of the area, and 97 family names which could also become extinguished in near future. Concerning their structure, the majority of all family names occur without a suffix (N = 681). All the confirmed family names were analysed according to their structure and motivation and listed in our Lexicon of family names at the end of this very thesis.


1996 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 181-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
W.B. Whalley ◽  
C.F. Palmer ◽  
S.J. Hamilton ◽  
D. Kitchen

The volume of debris in the left-lateral, Little Ice Age (LIA:AD1550–1850) moraine of the Feegletscher, Valais, Switzerland was compared with the actual volume being transported currently by the glacier. The latter is smaller by a factor of about two. In Tröllaskagi, north Iceland, a surface cover of debris on top of a very slow moving glacier ice mass (glacier noir, rock glacier) has been dated by lichenometry. The age of the oldest part is commensurate with LIA moraines in the area. Knowing the volume of debris of a given age allows an estimate of the debris supply to the glacier in a given time. Again, there appears to have been a significant reduction in debris to the glacier since the turn of the 19th century. Debris input in the early LIA seems to have been particularly copious and this may be important in the formation of some glacier depositional forms such as rock glaciers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-494
Author(s):  
Nikolai Viktorovich Pislegin ◽  
Vladimir Sergeevich Churakov

The article comes to view the development of Kryashens, which are connected with Udmurts or with the territory of the modern Udmurt Republic, in the last third of the 18th - middle 19th century. The area in question is the Malmyzh and Elabuga counties of Vyaka province and Mamadysh county of Kazan province. The “Udmurt old-christened” ethno-class status of the inhabitants of the settlements of the Srednekushket volost’ of the Malmyzh county, noted by the sources, was to some extent a “tribute to tradition”. In Mamadysh county in 1834 historically associated with the Udmurts Kryashen settlements were located in 3 volosts; the tendency for their assimilation, which was reflected in the middle of the 18th century, was completed here even earlier, in the first third of the 19th century. In Yelabuga county since its formation there was a old-christened small administrative-territorial unit. In the historical settlements of Kryashens, located in our days in the territory of the Udmurt Republic (Grakhov and Kizner districts), their Udmurt origin, with few exceptions, is not traced. The appearance of this sub-ethnic group of Tatars here was mainly due to migration processes from the nearest southern territory. In this period the norm for the Kryashens was shared with other peoples - Tatars, Mari, Udmurts, and later - Russians. The presence of Russians in historical Kryashen villages steadily increased over time. From the late 18th century the Kryashen volosts often included villages with different ethnic-caste identity. From the second quarter of the 19th century the disappearance of the Kryashen small administrative-territorial units began. It was caused, first of all, by transformations of the state in this sphere.


Author(s):  
Fred Puss

Rööpsete perekonnanimede teke on unikaalne Eestis ja Lätis, kus mõisas pandi 1820.–1830. aastail samale talupojale üks, kirikus aga teine perekonnanimi. Nimede panemise õigus oli mõisadel, kuid kohati võtsid pastorid osa nimede panekust ning muutsid kirikuraamatutes nimesid ka hiljem. Eestis oli üksikuid piirkondi (mõisu), kus rööpnimede hulk oli suurem, nt Ahja mõisas 53%, Roosna-Alliku mõisa Järva- Madise kihelkonna osas 32%, olles enamasti aga mõne protsendi piires. Võnnu kihelkonnas muutsid vastastikku üksteise nimeloomet mõisavalitsused, kolm järjestikust pastorit ning eriti köster. Pärast üldise perekonnanimepanekuga loodud rööpnimesid oli XIX sajandi teisel poolel ja XX sajandi algul nende tavalisim tekkepõhjus saksastamine, harvem sugulussuhete muutumine (kärgpered, lapsendamised). Kui mõnel pool jõudsid kirikuraamatute nimekujud ka hingeloendisse, siis tavaline see polnud. Sel põhjusel oli ka XX sajandi algul inimestel vallavalitsuse välja antud tsaariaegses passis või iseseisvusaegsel isikutunnistusel üks, kirikuraamatutes teine nimi. Rööpnimed kaotati enamasti riiklike perekonnaregistrite sisseseadmisega alates 1926. aastast ning ametlikustati reeglina sünnikandes leiduv nimekuju. Osal juhtudel tekkisid topeltnimed. Rööpnimed on dokumentides tekitanud segadust ka hiljem. Abstract. Fred Puss: Muuga or Kersna? The appearance and perishment of Estonian parallel family names. The reason for the appearance of parallel family names in Estonia and Latvia is unique: in the 1820s–1830s, the manor officials gave family names to local peasants and the Lutheran pastors changed those names or gave different ones. In some areas, mismatch was up to 53%, but generally did not exceed a few percent. Sometimes in the church records, the names were later changed to match the manor (or later tax) records, but much less often vice versa. However, when the names in the church records were changed (mostly Germanized) in the second half of the 19th century, but not in the tax records, new mismatches appeared. As of 1926, the state began to keep vital statistics records and the name in a birth entry in the church book was usually fixed as the only family name thereafter. This marked the end of the occurrence of most of the parallel family names in Estonia, but some became double family names and some still caused confusion in later records.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 455
Author(s):  
Mustafa Eyyamoğlu ◽  
Nuran Kara Pilehvarian

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>In this study, reconstruction activities in Cyprus were investigated according to the information given in the El-Hac Es-Sayyid Mehmet Ağa Foundation (1826). El-Hac Es-Seyyid Mehmet Ağa was a former guardian in Ottoman Palace (İstanbul) who was appointed as a tax officer Cyprus in the early 19th century. Seyyid Mehmet Aga, during his stay in Cyprus constructed Mosque, Tekke, Mescit, and schools and he has foundations related to these structures. These foundations are available in the TRNC Vakıflar Administration, TRNC Girne National Archives and Research Department, Republic of Turkey Directorate General of Foundations Achieves. Most of the Islamic buildings registered in the Seyyid Mehmet Ağa foundation are made up of the pre-existing, inadequate and ruined structures re-constructed and brought to the use of the Muslim Turkish Cypriot people. Nicosia Dükkanlarönü Mosque, Fethiye Mosque, Tahtakale Mosque, Lapta Mosque and Famagusta Kutup Osman Efendi Tomb are the architectural venues where the Turkish Cypriot Islamic culture has been performed and it is understood from archival documents that they are supported by various mites and foundations. Within the scope of the study, prior and restructuring processes of these structures were determined and findings were made about the current situation. These structures are the living documents of the Ottoman Period in Cyprus over 300 years, which describe the structuring of the Islam and Ottoman identity in island. These structures are important documents of the Turkish Cypriot Islamic Heritage. Due to political changing over time they lost their incomes and original shapes.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Bu çalışmada 19, yüzyıl başlarında Kıbrıs’a muhassıl olarak atanan Dergâh-ı Âli Kapıcı başlarından El-Hac Es- Seyyid Mehmet Ağanın 1826 tarihli Vakfiyelerinde geçen bilgilere bağlı olarak Kıbrıs’taki imar faaliyetleri incelenmiştir. Kıbrıs’ta bulunduğu süre zarfında Cami, Tekke, Mescit, Sıbyan Mektebi yaptıran Seyyid Mehmet Ağa’nın bu yapılar ile ilgili vakfiyeleri mevcuttur. Bu vakfiyeler KKTC Vakıflar İdaresinde, KKTC Girne Milli Arşiv ve Araştırma Dairesinde, TC Vakıflar Genel Müdürlüğü ve TC Başbakanlık Osmanlı Arşivlerinde bulunmaktadır. Seyyid Mehmet Ağa vakfiyesinde kayıtlı bulunan İslami eserlerin çoğu önceden var olan, yetersiz ve harap durumda olan yapıların yeniden düzenlemelerle genişletilip Müslüman Türk halkının kullanımına kazandırılmış yapılardır. Seyyid Mehmet Ağa’nın yeniden yaptırmış olduğu Lefkoşa Dükkânlar Önü Camii, Fethiye Camii, Tahtakale Camii, Lapta Camii ve Mağusa Kutup Osman Efendi Türbesi Kıbrıs Türk İslam kültürünün icra edildiği mimari mekânlar olup çeşitli akarlar ve vakıflar ile desteklenmiş oldukları arşiv belgelerinden anlaşılmaktadır.</p><p>Çalışma kapsamında söz konusu yapıların önceden ve yeniden yaptırılma süreçleri belirlenerek günümüzdeki durumları hakkında tespitler yapılmıştır. Osmanlı Hâkimiyetinin adada var olduğu 300 yılı aşkın zaman diliminde, gerek devlet eli gerekse adada görev alan memurlar sayesinde Kıbrıs’ta İslam ve Osmanlı kimliğinin yapılandırılarak etkisinin genişletildiğini anlatan ve Osmanlı Devleti’nin Kıbrıs’ta yaşayan belgeleri niteliğinde olan bu yapılar, Kıbrıs Türk İslam Mirasının vazgeçilmeyen önemli ögeleridir. Zaman içerisinde değişen siyasal yapıya bağlı olarak gelirleri kesilen ve terk edilen bu eserler bakımsızlık nedeni ile orijinal hallerini yitirmişerdir.</p>


Gesnerus ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 54 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 37-58
Author(s):  
Othmar Keel ◽  
Philippe Hudon

This article demonstrates that, before the 19th century and the Paris Clinical School, new medical practice and new clinical teaching based on pathological anatomy (of organs and of tissues) and surgical experience and therapeutic experimentation developed in the military milieu, specifically because of the "auspicious" conditions found there. Over time, this military clinical experience permeated civilian medical practice as military practitioners often moved into civilian practice and collaborated and exchanged experience with their civilian or ex-military colleagues. These conditions, in different forms and at different rhythms, in the great European powers, also favoured a rapprochement between the different groups of medical practitioners - physicians, apothecaries and surgeons - initially in the military milieu, and subsequently in civilian society as well. Finally, the article shows that the coercive disciplinary structure of the military, where sick or wounded soldiers were particularly constrained to act as subjects of experience, expérimentation, clinical teaching and anatomico-pathological research, was one of the conditions propitious to this growth of clinical practice.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (5/2020(774)) ◽  
pp. 60-75
Author(s):  
Wanda Decyk-Zięba

The fi rst Polish grammatical terms came into existence as early as in the Middle Ages. Due to the role played by Latin in the Polish culture and science, the relations between the Polish terminology under forma tion and the already formed Latin terminology are signifi cant. This is noticeable not only in bilingual (Latin–Polish) grammar book by E. Donat but also in the fi rst Polish-language grammar books by W. Szylarski and O. Kopczyński. The latter rendered considerable services to the codifi cation of grammatical terminology. In the 19th century, it was impossible to popularise J. Przybylski’s and A. Morzycki’s innovative terminological propositions. The development of the Polish scientifi c linguistics gives rise to a revision of the earlier grammatical systematics, which results also in a change in the nomenclature. The distinctness of grammatical lexis is evidenced by the glossaries attached to the grammar books. Some of the terms have entered the vocabulary common to various varieties of Polish over time.


Author(s):  
Patrick Hanks ◽  
Richard Coates ◽  
Peter McClure

Over 45,000 entriesThis huge new dictionary is the ultimate reference work on family names of the UK, covering English, Scottish, Welsh, Irish, Cornish, and immigrant surnames. It includes every surname that currently has more than 100 bearers, and those that had more than 20 bearers in the 1881 census.Each entry contains lists of variant spellings of the name, an explanation of its origins (including the etymology), lists of early bearers showing evidence for formation and continuity from the date of formation down to the 19th century, geographical distribution, and, where relevant, genealogical and bibliographical notes, making this a fully comprehensive work on family names.This authoritative guide also includes an introductory essay explaining the historical background, formation, and typology of surnames and a guide to surnames research and family history research. Additional material also includes a list of published and unpublished lists of surnames from the Middle Ages to the present day.


Author(s):  
Sarah Bellows-Blakely

There is no singular or universal experience of girlhood in Africa. Conceptions of childhood, youth, generation, gender, and sexuality have differed across the continent and around the world over time. Since the 19th century, varying understandings of African girlhood have been deeply connected to the growth of racist hierarchies of human societies, the European colonization of Africa, African nationalisms, transnational feminist movements, and crises in capitalism. Case studies of two areas concerning African girlhood—female circumcision and the emergence of the girls’ rights movement—show how politicized girlhood in Africa has been. These two topics provide a distinct vantage point from which to understand far-reaching political processes and how these processes have uniquely played out in and through debates over girls’ bodies.


Nuncius ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 602-634 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio Pogliano

Abstract In this article two protagonists of nineteenth-century anthropological culture, Samuel George Morton and Paul Broca, are presented as the embodiment of mainstream stances on the relationship between brain and race. More or less close to their successful raciological tenets, a host of other names might be recalled. However, the main purpose here is to point out some ‘deviant’ opinions that challenged the scientific common sense of an epoch, starting with the nigrophilie expressed by the abbé Grégoire early in the century, to then discuss the cautious ‘egalitarianism’ professed by James Cowles Prichard and William Hamilton or the more explicit view sustained, over time, by Friedrich Tiedemann and Luigi Calori. Their focus was the influence of the brain – its shape, volume, and weight – on intellectual and moral manifestations: a tormented issue that for decades was addressed in different ways and with outcomes that always proved inconclusive.


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