scholarly journals Absentia Voter in the Election of Regional Head in Situbondo Regency Year 2015

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (5) ◽  
pp. 34
Author(s):  
Rupiarsieh Rupiarsieh

Since the downfall of the New Order regime, the regional head election is done directly. Before 2005, it was elected by the Local House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, DPRD). However, since the effectuation of Constitution No. 32 year 2004 said that the regional head was chosen directly by the people and called as Pilkada. It was held in 2010 and 2015. In the 2015 elections in Situbondo, the number of absentia voter is still a problem. It shows that the public has little or no political participation in using their right to vote freely. It is very influential on democracy and acceptance of the elected leaders. The 2015, it showed that the number of registered voters is 509,111. Voters, who using their voting rights only 378,953. The valid votes 372,555, divided to first candidate in number of 18,997 (5%), second candidate in number of 158,934 (43%), and the third candidate in number of 194 624 or 52%. Total absentia voter is 130,058 (25%). By using descriptive qualitative method, the simultaneous elections can be analyzed. The high absentee voter was more due to political factors, lack of political awareness because the majority of education level is still low, and there are patrialism in political culture is. All the leader must have the blessing from the moslem leader (Kiayi). The voters are not in accordance with the existing leader candidate, do not attend the election. The voters will attend the election by following the advice from the Kiayi. They chose their regency leader not in freely condition. If the elected regent unable to accommodate the interests of the opposing party (absentia voter) could become a powerful political opponent. A new factor affecting the absentee voter is political culture. The political culture and democracy education conducted by involving the Kiayi, and directed at women voters and beginner-voter, because the majority of voters are women and the beginner-voter are in the moslem boarding school (called: pasantren), that manage by the Kiayi.

Author(s):  
Abdul Muin

AbstractThe purpose of this paper is to reveal how the quality of education in this Islamic boarding school is, particularly related to education facilities, curriculum and strategies of education quality improve­ments. This study used the qualitative method. Findings of this study are: first, education infrastructure and facilities are relatively complete and adequate, which are supported by the atmosphere of the Islamic boarding school that is full of simplicity and modesty by habituation in implementing clean and healthy lifestyle. Second, the tafaqquh fi-al din (understanding of religion)-based curriculum compiled by the Islamic boarding school occupies the same degree (equal) to the curriculum prepared by the Ministry of Religious Affairs, so that both tafaqquh fi-al din (understanding of religion) studies and general studi­es have high electability, which is able to increase the quality of education and also generates interest and motivation of the people (parents) to put their children to the Islamic boarding school. Third, education in the Islamic boarding school has a strong independency because it is supported by substantial financial resources.AbstrakTujuan tulisan ini untuk mengungkapkan bagaimana mutu pendidikan di pondok pesantren ini, khususnya berkaitan dengan sarana pendidikan, kurikulum dan sterategi peningkatan mutu pendidik­an. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasil temuan studi ini adalah: Pertama, sarana dan fasilitas pendidikan relatif lengkap dan memadai, ini didukung oleh suasana kehidupan pondok pesan­tren yang penuh kesederhanaan dan kebersahajaan dengan pembiasaan menerapkan pola hidup bersih dan sehat. Kedua, kurikulum yang berbasis tafaqquh fi-al din yang disusun oleh pondok pesantren ini menempati derajat yang sama (equal) dengan kurikulum yang disusun Kementerian Agama, sehinga baik kajian tafaqquh fi al-din maupun pelajaran umum memiliki electabilitas yang tinggi, hal ini mampu meningkatkan mutu pendidikan dan sekaligus membangkitkan animo dan motivasi masyarakat (orangtua) untuk memasukkan anaknya ke pesantren ini. Ketiga, penyelenggaraan pendidikan di pon­dok pesantren ini memiliki kemandirian yang kuat, karena didukung oleh sumber dana yang besar.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ahmad Fauzi ◽  
Chusnul Muali

Pesantren and social value system is the result of constructing kiai's thoughts and social actions as an inseparable entity. This study aims to interpret the role and social action of kiai Moh Hasan, both as a fighter (al-haiah al-jihaadi li'izzi al-Islaami wal muslimin) in the community as well as guidance and guidance for the community (al-haiah al ta 'awuny wa al takafuly wal al ittijaahi) and teaching in educational institutions (al-haiah al ta'lim wa al-tarbiyah), significantly contributes greatly to the social realities of society in Indonesia. Portrait of central figure kiai Moh Hasan can not be separated from the depth of his field of Islamic science, simplicity, kezuhudan, struggle, sincerity and generosity. This view, not only recognized among the people around the boarding school, students and colleagues, but also spread in some areas in Indonesia. The fame of kiai Moh Hasan among scholars, habaib and society has many karamah and some other privileges, not even a few from the social recognition of kiai Moh Hasan Genggong, because the kiai are believed to have closeness with God, thus perceived as auliya'Allah. Thus the role and social actions of the kiai above, gave birth to the value system, so as to influence and move the social action of other individuals. The internalization of the aforementioned values becomes social capital in building a spiritual-based transformative leadership, as a strong leadership model and conducts various changes in the social field, by transforming the value of the ethical values.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


2021 ◽  
pp. 136843022199008
Author(s):  
Ethan Zell ◽  
Christopher A. Stockus ◽  
Michael J. Bernstein

This research examined how people explain major outcomes of political consequence (e.g., economic growth, rising inequality). We argue that people attribute positive outcomes more and negative outcomes less to their own political party than to an opposing party. We conducted two studies, one before the 2016 U.S. presidential election ( N = 244) and another before the 2020 election ( N = 249 registered voters), that examined attributions across a wide array of outcomes. As predicted, a robust partisan attribution bias emerged in both studies. Although the bias was largely equivalent among Democrats and Republicans, it was magnified among those with more extreme political ideology. Further, the bias predicted unique variance in voting intentions and significantly mediated the link between political ideology and voting. In sum, these data suggest that partisan allegiances systemically bias attributions in a group-favoring direction. We discuss implications of these findings for emerging research on political social cognition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Urbinati

Populism is the name of a global phenomenon whose definitional precariousness is proverbial. It resists generalizations and makes scholars of politics comparativist by necessity, as its language and content are imbued with the political culture of the society in which it arises. A rich body of socio-historical analyses allows us to situate populism within the global phenomenon called democracy, as its ideological core is nourished by the two main entities—the nation and the people—that have fleshed out popular sovereignty in the age of democratization. Populism consists in a transmutation of the democratic principles of the majority and the people in a way that is meant to celebrate one subset of the people as opposed to another, through a leader embodying it and an audience legitimizing it. This may make populism collide with constitutional democracy, even if its main tenets are embedded in the democratic universe of meanings and language. In this article, I illustrate the context-based character of populism and how its cyclical appearances reflect the forms of representative government. I review the main contemporary interpretations of the concept and argue that some basic agreement now exists on populism's rhetorical character and its strategy for achieving power in democratic societies. Finally, I sketch the main characteristics of populism in power and explain how it tends to transform the fundamentals of democracy: the people and the majority, elections, and representation.


1917 ◽  
Vol 85 (17) ◽  
pp. 455-456

The following is the text of the resolutions which officially entered the United States into the world war:— “Whereas the imperial German government has committed repeated acts of war against the government and the people of the United States of America; therefore be it “Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in congress assembled, that the state of war between the United States and the imperial German government, which has thus been thrust upon the United States, is hereby formally declared; and that the President be and he is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the government to carry on war against the imperial German government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-99
Author(s):  
Munandzirul Amin

Democracy provides a place for us to learn to live with the enemy because only democracy allows tension and paradox, which comes from freedom, to occur in society. In contrast to the New Order era, we can now enjoy freedom of opinion and association. This freedom can in turn produce tension. The relationship between elements of society with one another, or the relationship between the state and elements of society, can be tense because of differences in interests in regulating social and political order. Meanwhile, Indonesian society witnessed the paradox which also originated from freedom. This, for example, is shown by the emergence of intolerant groups such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) and Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Even organizations such as HTI are of the view that democracy is not in accordance with the teachings of Islam in terms of sovereignty in the hands of the people, what should determine that is the preogrative right of Allah SWT. The government in the view of HTI only implements sharia and determines administrative technical issues.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 59
Author(s):  
Indra Fauzan ◽  
Nidzam Sulaiman

<em>Democratization in Indonesia is a political shift from non-democracy to democracy. This political shift affects political change in Indonesia. Many scholars see that this democratization is due to the factors of economic recession, internal internal conflicts and political parties of New Order advocates, Student Movements or opposition. The aim of this study is to see how the process of political culture in Indonesia has come to the democratization of many scholars who have overlooked this political culture. The method used is literature study in the context of collecting data through documents such as Books, Journals, Bachelor Theses and some other references, this method of inquiry is chosen to better understand the political condition of Indonesia textually. In this context, political culture has become a major factor in the catalysts of democratization because the political culture of a middle-class society is a result of a long process resulting in the formation of civil values that impede democratization. This article ultimately aims to contribute thought in the process of building democratic values during democratization.</em>


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 36-43
Author(s):  
Ucok Agus Saputra

Post-fall of the New Order regime, the action of Islamic radicalism spreads out fast in Indonesia. Unluckily, actors and the perpetrators are mostly Muslimand claiming graduated from Islamic educational institutions. Radical Islamic movements nowadays are worrying the people and threaten the life of the nation that contains the values of pluralism, tolerance, and acculturative, including in religion. According to way of life on Indonesian, Pancasila, and the 1945 Constitution and the Republic of Indonesia which is the basics of nation and state are also threatened. even their movement tends to do with violence. Proven by the presence of several violent incidents that resulted in deaths were not counted. (National Agency for Counter of Terrorism, 28/8/2002). Therefore, Indonesia  (and even the world) needs strategies to prevent the anti-radicalism and terrorism. Learning the last fact, education that be designed by conforming new model of learning for Moslem Teacher is absolutely needed. The approach to the handle the Islamic radicalism must always be strived, One of models is through character education. Education is partly done by reconstructing the Islamic Religious Education (PAI) that is taught in educational institutions. Reconstruction of PAI should be able to produce learners that possess attitude of tolerant, moderate and inclusive. In short, there is a tendency of systematic efforts made by certain religious groups to teach the doctrine of religious hardliners among students of Elementary School (SD), that often reborn radicalization. Here, the writer will show how Moslem teacher can take anti-radicalims learing by some new models that can be implemented, namely the de-radicalization preventive, de-radicalization preservative against moderate Islam, and  curative deradicalised.


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