scholarly journals The regions of Volga Federal District: Ethnic identity as a political project

Author(s):  
Alexander Kornilov ◽  
Ilya Ryabkov

The author makes an attempt to analyze the methods and mechanisms of the actualization of ethnic identity in the regions of Volga Federal District. The working hypothesis is the thesis that a big political project is necessary for a successful actualization of ethnic identity. Three examples are used as the argument - successful use of ethnic identity in Tatarstan, the unsuccessful attempt to actualize the ethnic identity of the Bashkirs, and the long-term Finno-Ugric project, which is oriented to the future. The main conclusion of the paper is that a strong connection exists between the process of actualization of ethnic identity in the regions of Volga Federal District and questions of national security. Any attempt to use ethnic identity for political aims brings threat to the political system of the Russian Federation.

Author(s):  
Ye. B. Shturba

The article considers the attempts to form the concepts of national security in the Russian Federation during 1992 – 1997 as the main condition for establishment of the new Russian statehood. The negative processes of 1991 – 1993 that led the state administration system to crisis have been discovered and analyzed from the standpoint of scientific criticism.


2020 ◽  
pp. 32-34
Author(s):  
Aleksei Genrikhovich Shelestov

The article discusses the relationship between the stable functioning of the political system of the Russian Federation and the country's national security, through the implementation of the law enforcement function in emergency situations by the internal affairs bodies of Russia, taking into account the specifics of organizing rear services support.


Author(s):  
Татьяна Щербакова ◽  
Tat'yana Scherbakova ◽  
Влада Полуян ◽  
Vlada Poluyan ◽  
Валерия Саркисьян ◽  
...  

The main task of the Russian Federation is to secure from encroachments on the damage to the national interests of the country. Also ensuring economic, political and social stability both within the country and along the entire perimeter of the borders. Ensuring stability along the perimeter of the borders is not only the main task of the Russian Federation, but also of any power for which national security is in the first place. For Russia, which has a large scale, has many neighbors, the problem of preventing conflict zones at the borders is of particular importance. This article will focus on the study and disclosure of the contents of the main threats to the Russian Federation and their impact on the political system of the country.


2019 ◽  
pp. 239-261
Author(s):  
Ghaidaa Hetou

This chapter evaluates the formulation, implementation, and consistency of Saudi Arabia’s grand strategy since 1979. It examines how internal and regional factors influenced that strategy through the optic of a series of critical regional turning points, often overlain by shifting US debates on the Kingdom’s regional role. The chapter delineates why Saudi elites prioritize certain long-term objectives, how they perceive threats, and why they respond in specific ways. Its guiding conceptual framework is informed by four elements: the Kingdom’s dominant strategic culture, its political system, perception of national security, and regional alliance formations. The chapter demonstrates how the current Saudi establishment’s ability to sustain a grand strategy—primarily a regional role—is closely linked to its economic power, financial solvency, and internal stability.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-87
Author(s):  
James C. Schopf

Easton's systems theory greatly contributed to the field of political science by providing a useful holistic framework, demonstrating how the political system functions, by meeting societal demands with policy outputs. Easton's interest lay in the political system's persistence, which in his model, merely required the existence of community. Communities, however, require state-provided security to survive in a hostile international environment. Hence, this paper builds a sub-systemic governance model able to explain domestic political system and state persistence. The model argues that large input generating groups require sufficient allocation of public goods for the long term maintenance of the domestic political system. Application of the model to the successful South Korean case demonstrated that the share of public goods increased along with the size of the input generating group. Long term disruption of this critical subsystem in countries with large input generating groups, however, can destabilize the state and its domestic political system with increased pressure from unmet societal demands. This new sub-systemic model seeks to advance understanding of the operation of the system and open up new areas of research into the persistence of the domestic political system. The systems approach has greatly contributed to the study of politics. David Easton's seminal Systems Theory drew attention to important aspects of political life and provided a critical framework with which to understand and analyze inputs into the political system and policy outputs to the social environment. The advancement of systems theory in political science was hobbled, however by methodological shortcomings. Easton failed to operationalize key concepts, and as a result, the theory was neither applied nor tested. In addition, Easton's all-inclusive system design was unable to give insight into several systems-related questions areas of interest to social scientists, including the survival or collapse of states and their domestic political systems, regime change, and variation in the nature of policy outputs or societal inputs. Combining Easton's policy process framework with methodologically rigorous approaches sharing key system's theory assumptions helps to deepen understanding of these issues. By narrowing Easton's system to a critical subsystem comprised of the leader and his/her supporters, it becomes evident that changes in the size of the input-generating group can markedly affect the quality of government policy outputs. This new sub systemic model yields the prediction that leader's seeking to maintain power will allocate an increased ratio of public goods to private goods, the larger the size of the input generating group. After operationalizing the size of the input-generating group and the share of public vs. private goods allocated through economic policy, this paper applies this sub systemic hypothesis to explain recent changes in economic policy making in South Korea. Modernization theory provides the added insight that the forces of industrialization and economic development are increasing the size of the input-generating group in societies throughout the world, which are calling for public policy goods, in the form of democratic political rights as well as improved overall living standards. Leadership failing to respond to these increased demands over a prolonged period not only provokes regime change, but, in certain circumstances, can destabilize and trigger the collapse of states and of domestic political systems. Research into underdeveloped institutions, economic power concentration, sectarian division and other factors impeding delivery of public goods to large input generating groups, can offer further insight into the question of systemic persistence, the central concern of Easton's systems theory. The article first critiques the strengths and weaknesses of Easton's systems theory. A sub-systemic model is offered to ameliorate the methodological shortcomings of Easton's systems theory while making it applicable to questions concerning the persistence of domestic political systems and state maintenance. Applied to two cases of Korean industrial restructuring, the predictions of the sub-systemic model hold true: small input generating groups under authoritarian rule were associated with provision of private goods, whereas larger input generating groups under democracy produced policies that allocated public goods. The final section of the paper then explores the possible collapse of the domestic political system in cases where leadership is unable to provide public goods to large input generating groups.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-0
Author(s):  
Aleksander Babiński

A feature of the constitution is that the political system assumes a right to exercise freedom of conscience and religion.In the reality of a totalitarian state the ability to use this freedom was not so evident since, despite the formal guarantee, this ability was limited. In a democratic state of law, this freedom has been clarified by the legislature. By virtue of the Constitution expressions of religious belief may be restricted by law only when it is necessary to protect national security, public order, health, morals or the rights and freedoms of others. The legislation establishing special arrangements to enable the public exercise of worship does not introduce such restrictions. On the contrary, it facilitates its execution. A particular mode of worship involves events that take place entailing the use of public roads. Legislation providing for the use of roads assumes a formalisation of carrying out such religious ceremonies as pilgrimages, processions and funeral corteges on the roads. The article presents legal solutions to enable them to be carried out, indicating the dependence resulting from the category of road on which they are held and solutions designed to ensure the safety of the participants as specific users of public roads. It states which authorities are competent to make arrangements in this regard, indicating the multiplicity of authorities that need to be involved in this process. In the context of the existing legal situation, whether the solutions adopted allow determination of those responsible for the security and the scope of arrangements to ensure the safety of participants of pilgrimages, processions or funeral corteges is important.


Significance This is a crucial step for the government before year-end, together with long-term banking issues and slowing economic recovery. The European Commission has allowed Italy considerable fiscal flexibility; the government promises to start reducing its debt-to-GDP ratio this year. However, the slowdown could delay achieving this goal. Under this scenario, the government has to campaign for the referendum on its Senate reform. A 'yes' vote is key not only for reforming the political system, but the government's survival. Impacts A 'no' outcome would pull Italy into deep uncertainty concerning its political leadership. It would also end Renzi's premiership; a new majority could follow up to the 2018 general election. However, since Renzi is the PD leader, he is unlikely to support a new government; early elections are likely. In case of a 'yes' outcome, Renzi's premiership will be reinforced, marking a turning point to his declining popularity.


Sílex ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-50
Author(s):  
Edwin Cohaila

El Perú ha atravesado, en este período gubernamental que empezó el 2016, diferentes situaciones políticas, la renuncia del presidente Kucyznski, la asunción al mando por parte de su vicepresidente Martín Vizcarra, el cierre del Congreso, la prisión preventiva de muchos actores políticos; sin embargo, se continuó con el régimen democrático, lo que podría suponer que la población mantiene un apoyo al sistema político y una tolerancia política, puesto que todo se encauzó dentro del marco constitucional. Para averiguar esta situación, se analizará la data que provee el Barómetro de las Américas (LAPOP) para los años 2016/2017 y 2018/2019 para el caso peruano, pero haciendo notar si existe alguna diferencia entre ambos periodos según la identidad étnica. El análisis manifiesta que el apoyo al sistema político se ha mantenido sin variación, mientras que la tolerancia política se ha incrementado; no obstante, al interior de la identidad étnica no todos los grupos se han mantenido bajo esa misma línea, ya que se observan diferencias significativas en especial en el grupo étnico quechua y mestizo. Peru has gone through this governmental period that began in 2016 with different political situations, resignation of President Kucyznski, assumption of command by his vice president Martín Vizcarra, closure of Congress, preventive detention of many political actors; however, the democratic regime continued, which could suppose that the population maintains support for the political system and political tolerance, since everything was channeled within the constitutional framework. To find out this situation, the data provided by the Latin American Public Opinion Project for the years 2016/2017 and 2018/2019 will be analyzed for the Peruvian case, but noting if there is any difference between the two periods according to ethnic identity. The analysis shows that support for the political system has remained unchanged, while political tolerance has increased, although within ethnic identity not all groups have remained along the same line, since there are significant differences especially in the quechua and mestizo ethnic group.


Author(s):  
N. V. Rudakov ◽  
S. N. Shpynov ◽  
N. A. Pen’evskaya ◽  
A. I. Blokh ◽  
T. A. Reshetnikova ◽  
...  

Objective is to analyze the incidence of Siberian tick typhus (STT) in the Russian Federation over the period of 2010–2020, Astrakhan spotted fever (ASF) and Mediterranean fever (MF) since the official registration, and to forecast the development of the epidemic process for endemic rickettsioses for 2021. The analysis of the incidence of STT, ASF and MF in Russia for the period of 2010–2020, 2013–2020 and 2014–2020, respectively, has been carried out. The forecast of endemic rickettsioses morbidity in the European and Asian parts of Russia for 2021 has been made. The average long-term incidence of STT for 2010–2020 in the Russian Federation as a whole was 1.04 (CI95 1.02÷1.05) 0/0000, with no tendency to change. The maximum relative incidence of STT is typical for the Siberian Federal District (SFD), where the average long-term incidence rate for 2010–2020 was 6.20 (CI95 6.08÷6.31) per 100 thousand of the population. The Far Eastern Federal District (FEFD) – 4.70 (CI95 4.53÷4.87) 0/0000 came in second place, the third place was taken by the Ural Federal District (UFD) – 0.08 (CI95 0.07÷0.10) 0/0000. When assessing the 11-year dynamics of the relative incidence of STT by the Federal Districts, we have detected a tendency to its stabilization in the SFD and the FEFD. In the UFD, a significant downward trend was revealed. The upward trend in the incidence of STT remained in the Altai Republic. Major decline in STT incidence was observed in the Kurgan Region, Trans-Baikal Territory, Krasnoyarsk Territory, and the Republic of Khakassia. There was a declining trend in the incidence of Astrakhan spotted fever in the Astrakhan Region and the Republic of Kalmykia. In the Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol there is no trend to increase the incidence of Mediterranean fever.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
Milka Malfait

Introduction: Statistics have proven that both the European Union (“EU”) and the Russian Federation (“Russia”) suffer from terrorism in its current form. Intensifying partnerships to combat terrorism would be a good idea. This essay envisages to illustrate a common base for cooperation in the fight against terrorism despite of some general differences in policy and structure between the EU and Russia.Materials and methods: The methodological basis of the research has both an analytical and descriptive nature. As for the analytical nature, sta­tistical, qualitative and comparative analyses were used while researching political phenomena and processes in the sphere of national security and coun­terterrorism. The author also applied the inductive method. The materials observed include the distinct approaches of Russia and the EU in terms of threats to national security including terrorism.Results: The author reveals there are four fundamental issues which ask for more attention in the EU-Russia dialogue on Freedom, Justice and Security and particularly with regard to the fight against terrorism. Firstly, statistics prove that Europe (EU and Russia) are impacted by modern terrorism, yet not by the same cases of terrorism. Secondly, Russia’s experience in counterterrorism is crucial. Thirdly, the scale ‘freedom’ and ‘human rights’ versus ‘security’ has not the same ratio in the EU and in Russia. Fourthly, the concept sovereignty is differently interpreted by the EU, the EU Member States and Russia. Despite all the differences in views, it is clear that the EU could learn a lot from Russia, as one of the key States with considerable experience in the fight against terrorism. Although the EU and Russia face different forms and problems and the roots of Western European terrorism sometimes have a slightly different origin, this does not negate the fact that they could foster cooperation.Discussion and conclusion: The governmental approaches of the EU and Russia on national security were discussed as well as the common grounds for cooperation, namely the threat of terrorism. It is proved that both systems have different features and are not always compatible with each other. The following recommendation of setting up an anti-terrorism working group was provided as well as the advice to eliminate the political distrust.


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