CITIZENSHIP AND CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION: A DETERMINANT OF GOOD GOVERNANCE

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 257-276
Author(s):  
Oladimeji Sogo Osewa

Citizenship is the status of being a legal member of a state, having been recognized by the law and custom of such state, whereby citizens owe allegiance to the state (coun-try) and in turn been protected by the state. Nevertheless, for citizens to owe allegiance to their states implies that such citizens is patriotic and also ready to take up their constitutional rolls or duties to the betterment of the state, and in return enjoys the fundamental human rights, citizen’s liberty and protection from their states (country). However, for citizens to know their rights, duties and obligations, and for them to be able to participate actively in their countries political decision making (supporting and criticizing government policies) that will leads to a robust public and foreign policy of their country, then, such citizens need to be politically educated through citizenship education, because Citizenship education breeds active democratic citizen-ry. This article titled citizenship and citizenship education: A determinant of good governance examined the importance of citizenship education and how it can breed active democratic citizenry that can enhance good governance in the state. This article employs the interview as a tool for data collection, and also applied the secondary source of Data collections by retrieving valuable information’s from ready-made works of scholars to buttress the argument of this work. The paper finds out that there is a positive correlation between citizenship education and active democratic citizen-ry. This article finally recommends that extensive citizenship education will serve as a veritable tool for good governance and National development. However, the paper recommends that citizenship education is a must and a child of necessity, a policy to be adopted by all government.

2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-148
Author(s):  
Eryan Ramadhani

Abstract The study of political decision-making cannot exclude the actors involved in the process. Neither can it disregard the interplay between decision-makers and political institution where they operate. This article aims to explain how perception of survival affects decision-making by focusing on leaders, specifically by analysing Benigno S. Aquino III’s leadership (2010–2016). Built on political psychology, I will show that motivation to maintain power may bias leaders’ reasoning leading to suboptimal decision. Accountability can help leaders mitigate bias, or de-bias, by stimulating their use of cognitive complexity. But the same effort may backfire and make leaders resort to heuristics instead. Where leaders end up in the cognitive spectrum depends on the types of audiences to whom they feel accountable: core (the ruling elites and loyal voters) and external (the opposition and its supporters) audiences. Preoccupation with core audiences can make leaders downplay the opposition challenge. Furthermore, leaders’ perceived understanding of their support base may be erroneous. The result is overconfidence in their perception of survival. I argue that President Aquino’s misperception of survival was rooted in his belief that (1) Filipinos would like to have his legacy continued and that (2) his popularity would help his successor Manuel Araneta Roxas II win the 2016 presidential race. This overconfidence turned out to be detrimental. Roxas’s electoral loss to Rodrigo Duterte put an end to the Daang Matuwid, President Aquino’s good governance platform.


Author(s):  
Saim Aksnudin

In the national development the role of land for the fulfillment of various purposes will increase, either as a place to live or for business activities. In relation to that will also increase the need for support in the form of guarantee of legal certainty in the field of land. The result of the research is the conception of the state of Indonesia is a state law, which contains the meaning in the administration of government and the state based on the law, the protection of the law is a universal concept of the rule of law. The legal certainty on land rights as intended by the UUPA encompasses three things, namely the certainty of the object of land rights, certainty on the subject of land rights and certainty about the status of landrights. Legal conception of land title certificate is a proof that issued by authorized legal institution, containing juridical data and physical data which isused as evidence of ownership of land rights in order to provide assurance of legal certainty and certainty of rights to a plot of land owned or possessed by a person or legal entity. With the certificate of rights, it is expected that the juridical can guarantee the legal certainty and the right by the state for the holder of the right to the land. This country's guarantee is granted to the owner or the holder of the certificate may be granted because the land is already registered in the state land administration system.


Theoria ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 65 (156) ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Christine Hobden

Citizens increasingly engage with political issues in new ways by addressing politicians via social media, campaigning at international forums, or boycotting corporate entities. These forms of engagement move beyond more regulated electoral politics and are rightly celebrated for the ways they increase representation and provide new channels of accountability. Yet, despite these virtues, political engagement beyond voting inevitably tends to entrench and amplify inequality in citizen influence on political decision-making. The tendency toward inequality undermines relational equality between citizens and muddies the channels of political accountability and responsibility. This article unpacks the ostensible tension and argues that it reveals to us another strength in views which hold the state to be citizens’ collective project and provides argumentative resources to motivate democracies to give due attention to ensuring that democratic participatory channels remain fit for purpose in an ever-changing society.


2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 260-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Devlin

This article analyses the status and future of bilingual education programs using Indigenous languages and English in remote Northern Territory schools. It explains why this educational approach is so contested at present, resulting in an unresolved situation which can best be regarded as an uneasy compromise on the ground and a stalemate at higher levels of political decision making. If the bilingual education approach was better understood by the current NT Government, there would a strong impetus now to refine and effectively implement a model of schooling that is appropriate for students in remote areas. Instead, current politicians debunk the bilingual approach, thereby robbing schools and literacy plans of any momentum and distracting attention away from the work that needs to be done. Meanwhile, student attendance rates have fallen away to worryingly low levels (Dickson, 2010). The current regime may well resolve the impasse, but in the absence of any meaningful, open negotiation the future looks uncertain. It is too soon to judge the cost of this uncertainty, but it may well result in further alienation and the emergence of non-government alternatives.


Organization ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Viktorija Kalonaityte

The overarching purpose of this article is to add to the theorization of the Anthropocene in organization studies by investigating how long-term planetary concerns can be better accounted for in organizing. To do so, the article draws on the scholarship of Jacques Rancière to show how the dichotomy of nature and culture shapes the dominant framings of organizing, and to outline premises for artistic, scholarly and political interventions into the status quo that could aid the process of making our entanglements with the geo-biophysical politically viable. The article concludes that the Anthropocene can add to a renewal of organizational and political decision-making processes through a radical rethinking of the liberal humanist separation of nature and culture and related concepts such as democracy and political subjecthood.


Author(s):  
Okoko Sinizibe ◽  
Frank Ogbomah ◽  
Kakatei Juanita

The administration of any democratic state revolves around the three constitutionally recognized arms of government; the legislature, executive and the judiciary. Their relationship is very important for the actualization of the goals of the state. However, this relationship is more pronounced between the executive and the legislature as both appear to belong to political parties and are elected by the electorates. Executive/legislative relationship most times appears conflictual and in some cases cooperative. The study examines the executive/legislative relationship in Bayelsa State to determine the nature and the issues and challenges in their relationship during Henry Seriake Dickson administration. To achieve the objective of the study, two research questions were formulated to guide the study. System theory was used as framework for analysis. The study draws its arguments basically from secondary source hence content analysis research design was used to analyze the secondary data. The findings revealed that the executive dominated the legislature in their relationship under Henry Seriake Dickson’s administration which weakened the ability of the legislators to effectively perform their duties as the representatives of the people. It was also revealed that the unprofessional and inexperience of the legislators also affected their ability to effectively perform their duties which affected the social, economic and political development of the state. In the light of the above, the study recommends amongst others that the legislature should wake up to their responsibility as the watchdog of the executive and effectively monitor the activities of the executive in order to ensure good governance in Bayelsa State. More experienced people should be elected to the legislature to curtail the excesses and the continued dominance of the executive on the legislature and other institutions of government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Andrii Lysyi

In the framework of reformation changes in the state and society, the issues of the political decision-making theory developing on the basis of neoclassical realism are of particular relevance and determine the directions for research of specialists of different industries. Domestic and foreign researchers in the field of political science, who study the process of political decision-making, analyze it at three principal levels: global, state and sub-state. The global level reflects the international character of states’ activities; includes the global dependence of political decision-making, in which international organizations, institutions and norms reduce the anarchy of political decision-making in the country; is formed under the influence of the building and distribution of states and international system images. The state-level reflects the degree of unity that is achieved with the joint participation of both the state and the entire national community of people in political decision-making and in responding to the challenge posed by the international environment. Not only the state level, which considers the attributes of the state as a system of different institutions with their peculiarities of political decision-making, should be distinguished, but also the sub-state level, in which the interaction of social, including individual, and state actors in the process of political decision-making takes place. The issues of population mobilization in the course of implementing a political decision in the Ukrainian context are determined as the presence of various domestic «obstacles» to the implementation of those initiatives that come from the state or public structures. The authors distinguish the most important of them: the bureaucratic nature and corruption of the implementation process of public initiatives in political, social or economic spheres; low political diversity, lack of political party representation in parliament and low functional «maturity» of the legislative branch; an underdeveloped political culture of participation creates burdens when making a political decision since the political system lacks information at its «entrance»; socio-economic problems of the majority of the population that prevent it from responding to political initiatives


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronika Ohliger

Due to the increasing shift in political decision-making from national parliaments to international organisations, the rise of international government is often assumed to be accompanied by the decline of national parliaments. As a reaction, several international organisations have established transnational parliamentary assemblies to increase parliamentarians’ participation in international negotiations. But their dual mandate reveals some contradictions: Why would national parliamentarians take on an additional time-consuming subsidiary job despite its low public and media attention and without any financial compensation? This study focuses on the motivation and parliamentary behaviour of national representatives from the 47 member states in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe by evaluating three original data collections: interviews, an online survey and an analysis of plenary protocols.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Ušiak

Security, as expressed by the security policy of a state, is one of the most fundamental aspects of a foreign and defense policies of a state. Together, they create a foreign orientation of the state which may alter with time, space and under the influence of political decision-making. This paper presents the sources of the strategic orientation of Slovakia that emerged in reaction to historical events that the faced country Slovakia gradually integrated into the European and Euro—Atlantic structures with the emphasis on coalition changes in the governance of the state. This paper, through analysis and comparison, shows the dominant changes in the Slovakian security environment. In any case, it has been the destiny of small countries to maintain their security through cooperation and integration.


2005 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xenophon Yataganas ◽  
George Tsebelis

Triple majority for changing the status quo in Treaty of Nice (2001): qualified majority of weighted votes, majority of countries, qualified majority of the population. Convention proposal (2003): requirements from three to two by dropping the qualified majority of weighted votes and reducing the qualified majority threshold of the population from 62% to 60%. Important consequences for the political institutions of the Union: 1) facilitates political decision-making; 2) reduces relative weight of governments participating in the Council and increases the importance of the European Parliament; 3) reduces the role of the judiciary and bureaucracies in the Union in favor of the political process. Consequences of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe signed in Rome 29 October 2004. Exactly in the middle between Nice and the European Convention.


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