Organizational preparation of central public administration bodies to manage the implementation of defense tasks Part III. Concept of tasks and organization of the organisational units of administrative offices of chief bodies of government administration for the management of the implementation of defence tasks

2021 ◽  
Vol 202 (4) ◽  
pp. 664-679
Author(s):  
Waldemar Kitler

Such bodies as the Council of Ministers, the Prime Minister and ministers in charge of departments of government administration, in order to exercise competencies in the field of defence, should have the ability to perform administrative functions to satisfy missions, goals and tasks in this matter assigned to them by the legislator. Their authority and duties in the defence field are closely related to their authority and duties in other areas of national security, so there is a need to arrange the organisational units set up for this purpose in such a way that their scope of action includes matters corresponding to the authority’s competence in the field of national security and defence, taken as a whole. Given the rank of the Council of Ministers and the Prime Minister in Poland, and their competencies in the area of national security, urgent changes are required to adapt the organisational units of the Chancellery of the Prime Minister (KPRM), and above all the Government Centre for Security (RCB). The RCB needs to be transformed so that it is able to fulfil the role of a national security and defence headquarters under the Council of Ministers and the Prime Minister. It would be an analytical-planning-coordination office, ensuring staff coordination of coherent, uninterrupted and continuous state activities in the field of state security and defence. Innovation in this respect would be accompanied by minor changes in the jurisdiction and structure of the organisational units comprising the KPRM. Following this, given the existing needs identified in the previous articles in this series, it seems necessary to make changes in ministries to implement a unified model of a national security organisational unit (e.g. Department for Security and Defence Affairs). In principle, these units should have similar missions and composition in all ministries, but some reasonable exceptions would occur in the Ministry of National Defence and the Ministry of the Interior and Administration. In others, there are and should be separate departments specific to those ministries (e.g. combating economic crime, international security policy, nature conservation, air protection and others).

2020 ◽  
Vol 198 (4) ◽  
pp. 780-800
Author(s):  
Waldemar Kitler

The second part of the report on the research on the organizational preparation of administrative offices supporting the supreme government administration bodies in the implementation of defense tasks is devoted to the characteristics and assessment of the organization of organizational units of administrative offices supporting the Council of Ministers, the prime minister, and the ministers managing government administration departments. The extensive nature of tasks in this matter and, consequently, the responsibility for their implementation resting on the Council of Ministers, the prime minister and ministers, is the basis for assessing the current state of organization of the administrative governments serving these bodies. Already in the Constitution and in ordinary acts, the role of the Council of Ministers and the prime minister were appreciated, with less attention being paid to ministers and heads of government administration departments. After 2010, the legal conditions for ensuring a uniform organizational and substantively competent structure of administrative offices in terms of defense, and more broadly also national security, were even worse. Only after 2016, and especially starting from 2019, hopeful organizational changes took place in this matter. And all this in view of the apparent lack of appropriate regulations in the field of defense law. The research leads to the conclusion that a holistic approach to national security issues, including national defense, is necessary to recognize the criteria of necessary legal and organizational changes to achieve planning, organizational, coordination, and control capabilities of the supreme government administration bodies in the field of defense.


2020 ◽  
Vol 197 (3) ◽  
pp. 526-545
Author(s):  
Waldemar Kitler

This article constitutes the first part of the research report on the organizational preparation of the supreme bodies of government administration, specifically the administrative offices serving them for the management of defense tasks. This part is devoted to the characteristics of the concept and scope of defense tasks, their objective and subjective approaches in the context of the Polish law in force, the content of strategic documents, and planning practice. The awareness of the enormity of tasks in the matter in question and the responsibility for their implementation that rests on the Council of Ministers, Prime Minister, and ministers in charge of the leading departments of government administration will provide the basis for the assessment of the current state of the organization. The evaluation will be performed in terms of the liability of the government administration for defense issues at the central administration level to determine the causes and necessary corrective actions and even construction ones in the absence of appropriate solutions. The scope of defense tasks is extensive and concerns, among others, strengthening the defense of the state, preparing the population and public property for the wartime, and opposing external threats to the state, armed aggression, and fulfillment of allied obligations. Thus, the legislator of the constitutional system and the ordinary legislator entrusted tasks to all authorities and government administration bodies and other state bodies and institutions, local government bodies, entrepreneurs, and other organizational units, social organizations, as well as citizens of the Polish state. These tasks have been specified in executive acts to the Acts and cover critical areas of state activity and almost all government administration departments and areas of activity of local governments. The supreme bodies of government administration play a key role in this respect. The Council of Ministers, headed by the Prime Minister, has the constitutional role of combining the complex defense activities on a national scale in unity. In contrast, ministers – heads of government administration departments should implement the defense policy in the administration departments entrusted to them.


1990 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-20
Author(s):  
Larry W. Bowman

Relationships between U.S. government officials and academic specialists working on national security and foreign policy issues with respect to Africa are many and complex. They can be as informal as a phone call or passing conversation or as formalized as a consulting arrangement or research contract. Many contacts exist and there is no doubt that many in both government and the academy value these ties. There have been, however, ongoing controversies about what settings and what topics are appropriate to the government/academic interchange. National security and foreign policy-making in the U.S. is an extremely diffuse process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 1069-1076
Author(s):  
Ashish Singhal, Et. al.

The extenuation of non-conventional global energy demands and changing environments is one of the most important ingredients in recent days. A case is about the study of sun energy acquired as clean energy by the government of India (GOI). GOI announced the various schemes for solar energy (SE) in the last decades because of the tremendous growth of solar energy aspects for the non-conventional sources with the support of central and state government. This article covered the progress of solar energy in India with major achievements. In this review article, the authors are trying to show the targets of the government of India (GOI) by 2022 and his vintage battle to set up a plant of solar or clean energy in India. This paper also emphasizes the different policies of GOI to schooling the people for creating the jobs in different projects like “Make in India”. This paper projected the work of the dynamic Prime Minister of India Mr. Narendra Modi and his bravura performance to increase the targets 100 GW solar energy by 2022.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 12-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. P. Nazarov

The purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the best Western practices in strategic planning with the view to improve the effectiveness of the Russian Federation national security policy in the face of new challenges and threats.Having analyzed Western approaches to ensuring national security, the article concludes that the political and governance practice needs to include more of strategic planning elements, such as strategic forecasting, monitoring, and national security assessment. Based on applicability to the Russian environment, the article particularly focuses on the American experience in strategic planning and discusses the origins and nature of the ideologeme of Americentrism that has dominated the American politics since 1990s. The author reveals how important role the use of soft power in specific national interests plays in the government policy for national security purposes and concludes that interrelation and mutual influence between planning and governance are indispensable.Having analyzed the Western practices, the article demonstrates the need to adjust significantly the strategic goal setting, first and foremost in Russia’s essential strategic planning documents.


Author(s):  
R.V. Vaidyanatha Ayyar

This chapter describes the far reaching changes as a result of which the Indian education system ceased to be almost exclusively public funded and closed system, how these far reaching changes were not steered by any policy of the Government, and how the policy has to catch up to do. It describes how the early initiatives of the Manmohan Government aroused great hopes that higher education was poised for remarkable transformation, and how these hopes were dashed as the Prime Minister was only a minor centre of power and could not prevail upon Arjun Singh to accept the ambitious reform agenda drawn up by the National Knowledge Commission (NKC) he set up. It also describes the special focus on skill development and the new initiatives launched during the Eleventh Five Year Plan such as the expansion of Central Universities, IITs, IIMs and NITs, and the launch of Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA). It compares and contrasts the philosophical underpinnings and recommendations of the NKC and Yash Pal Committee on the rejuvenation of Higher Education, and critques the recommendations of that Committee’s idea of university, and its proposal to constitute a National Commission on Higher Education and Research as an imperium imperio.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 273-311
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the attitude of the monarchists to the political figures who headed the Council of Ministers in 1905–1914. Monarchist organizations that functioned in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century were absolutely loyal to the monarch but at the same time were rather skeptical towards the government appointed by him. With most criticism they treated the first Chairman of the Council of Ministers – S. Yu. Witte. They blamed him not only for the destruction of farming in favor of industry development, making the population take to drinking with the aim to replenish the treasury, betrayal of Russian’s interests in the negotiations in Portsmouth and constitutionalism, but also expressly accused him in supporting the revolutionary movement in Russia with goal of seizing the supreme power. P.A. Stolypin was initially received by the monarchists rather loyally in the position of the head of government, but later he also caused displeasure of the Rights when he followed the way of “the constitutionalism” and relied on parliamentary parties in his work, leaving the non-conventional monarchists on the sideline of political process. Moreover, the Rights claimed that Stolypin was to blame for the split in the monarchist camp into the “Dubrovintsy” and the “Obnovlentsy” whose struggle against each other weakened the Rights on the verge of the critical challenge. The new head of the government V.N. Kokovtsov was well supported by the Rights for a certain time who saw him as a kind of “technical” Prime Minister, not outshining the monarch. But when Kokovtsov refused to financially support the “Obnovlentsy” wing of the Rights, who were at first quite loyal to the government, they drifted into the camp of the opposition. And “Dubrovintsy” approved of some of Kokovtsov’s actions in the spheres of finance and economy, but still were wary of the Prime Minister as they saw him as supporter of liberal ideas in the government. So, only I.L Goremykin, who were twice appointed Prime Minister in the period of interest, was not subjected to the criticism of the Rights, who highly valued his devotion to the monarch and thus disregarded the lack of actual success of the government headed by him.


1968 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 1013-1024

The third ordinary session of the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) took place in Cairo, July 13–17, 1964. The Council examined 21 applications from “freedom fighter” organizations for representation in that body. The government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) was represented at the meeting of the Council of Ministers, but when it was announced that Moise Tshombe, the new Congolese Prime Minister, would attend the Assembly of Heads of State and Government, objections were raised by a number of Heads of State and Ministers. As a result Mr. Tshombe announced that the Congolese government would not take part in the Assembly.


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