scholarly journals Politiques canadiennes de l’énergie et libre-échange – ou le sacrifice d’Iphigénie

2005 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-32
Author(s):  
Michel Duquette

This study looks into the federal government' s relinquishment of its 1980 energy policy known as the National Energy Programme. Such a sacrifice was made in the name of free trade between Canada and the U.S. Indeed, it is suggested that for the Conservatives, their deregulation of the energy industry for the sake of the economic integration of North America has served as the very proof of free trade. Hence also the end of the Foreign Investment Review Agency symbol of Canadian nationalism. For the free trade negotiations to be concluded, Ottawa needs to establish a common front with the provinces. This new context is in agreement with the "national reconciliation" policy extolled by the Tories soon after they came to power. In the name of a more decentralized Federation, they would surrender much in order to stimulate trade between the regions and the American market. This appears to them as the best way to boost the economy to a point which is already reached by our neighbours in the south. Thus the two projects, i.e. a complete redefinition of the energy policy and rapprochement with Washington, are being seen through simultaneously, in a spirit of compromise. In handing over to the provinces the administration of their off shore territories, and going as far even as to promote their traditional stance regarding the canadian energy policy, Alberta being a case in point, the government espouses a particular style of relationship with the industry. So as to bring Canada to par with current practices in the U.S., it brings forth its objective of "privatisation" which is in accordance with the neo-conservative credo: the subsidization of industry, deregulation, sharing out of the energy industry to the advantage of the private sector, the eventual privatization of Petro Canada. In this study, a first framework for analysis of those phenomena, with regard to the current negotiations between Canada and the US, is proposed.

Author(s):  
Arpit Bana ◽  
Priti J Mehta

Drugs that are procured from living cells and are used to treat acute and chronic diseases are called biologics, whereas biosimilars are the drugs which are highly similar but not identical to the original reference product. The main advantage of these drugs is that they are highly targeted with great therapeutic activity and can be used for multiple indications. Despite all the advantages biologics are still extremely costly. The main purpose of developing and introducing biosimilars was and is to increase market competition leading to a decrease in the cost of the biologics. However, until now the cost of the treatment has not decreased in the US market because there are many barriers to the entry of biosimilar in the US market which are discussed in this article. In this article, we argue that the barrier or hurdle in the US market entry of the biosimilars is not only limited to patent protection or exclusivity but other less discussed barriers are also there which are to be discussed. Due to these barriers till June 10, 2020, only 9 biosimilars are available commercially in the US market out of the 27 biosimilars approved for marketing by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA). We argue that the introduction of these biosimilars in the US market is essential for increasing market competition and thus decreasing the overall treatment cost for both the government and the payers. In this article, we are also providing perspective on the possible solutions to reduce these barriers and to encourage the entry of biosimilar in the US market.


2005 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 597-616 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory W. White

In June 2004, the United States signed a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with Morocco. FTAs are typically thought of as economic agreements, but the agreement with Morocco has an explicit security component. Indeed, US officials have cast the agreement as an opportunity to support a close ally in the region, and its signing coincides with Morocco's denomination as a non-NATO ally of the US. Yet even if the FTA achieves its stated economic goals — a very tall and ambitious order — it remains to be seen whether or not the benefits will extend to a society divided by enormous social cleavages. As a result, the US-Moroccan FTA and Morocco's new found stature in US security policy paradoxically run the risk of deepening societal resentment within Morocco toward the government and, by extension, the US.


2013 ◽  
pp. 729-749
Author(s):  
William S. Boddie

The United States (U.S.) Federal Government is in an extreme financial crisis. The U.S. national debt is $14T and the national deficit is $1.3T. The U.S. Government seeks to improve government-wide performance, reduce operating costs, reduce the national debt, and reduce the national deficit. If the U.S. Government continues its current enterprise management approach, the national debt and national deficit could become greater and the Government could default on its debt. The DoD institutionalized a Business Mission Area Enterprise Architecture (EA) and improved performance and reduced operating costs. Leaders in the DoD leveraged an EA-based approach to improve department-wide performance and reduce costs in selected instances. This chapter proposes that the DoD institutionalize an EA-based approach to improve department-wide performance, reduce operating costs, reduce the national debt, and reduce the national deficit.


2009 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 503-514
Author(s):  
A. M. Sinclair

Abstract Given that there are a number of possible models of the regional impact of a tariff, one would have hoped that the Council would have attempted to test the standard ones and/or to have developed new and better ones. After almost forty years Mackintosh's model is still probably the most persuasive model of the long run impact of the tariff in Canada. The Council in its main report has been largely content to repeat and to some extent to confuse elements of the conventional wisdom on the subject. Interesting points have been made in some of the background studies, particularly, among the studies reviewed, by Postner and by Dauphin. At a general level, the Council has failed to integrate its recommendations concerning tariff policy into the general framework of regional policy in this country. Specifically, the Council fails to consider explicitly that on "second best" grounds the elimination of tariffs may not lead to an improvement in resource allocation, nor does it consider in any detail policies which would be preferable to tariffs to achieve regional (and other) objectives which require intervention by the government. For a study which suggests that free trade would bring gains of at least five per cent of GNP, or over $8 billion per year at current levels of production, it would be unfortunate if a certain naïveté in exposition of the free trade case were to consign the document to the political dust-bin.


2004 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 661-676 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan J. Ziobrowski ◽  
Ping Cheng ◽  
James W. Boyd ◽  
Brigitte J. Ziobrowski

AbstractThe actions of the federal government can have a profound impact on financial markets. As prominent participants in the government decision making process, U.S. Senators are likely to have knowledge of forthcoming government actions before the information becomes public. This could provide them with an informational advantage over other investors. We test for abnormal returns from the common stock investments of members of the U.S. Senate during the period 1993–1998. We document that a portfolio that mimics the purchases of U.S. Senators beats the market by 85 basis points per month, while a portfolio that mimics the sales of Senators lags the market by 12 basis points per month. The large difference in the returns of stocks bought and sold (nearly one percentage point per month) is economically large and reliably positive.


2022 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 865
Author(s):  
Ezra Kahn ◽  
Erin Antognoli ◽  
Peter Arbuckle

Life cycle assessment (LCA) is a flexible and powerful tool for quantifying the total environmental impact of a product or service from cradle-to-grave. The US federal government has developed deep expertise in environmental LCA for a range of applications including policy, regulation, and emerging technologies. LCA professionals from across the government have been coordinating the distributed LCA expertise through a community of practice known as the Federal LCA Commons. The Federal LCA Commons has developed open data infrastructure and workflows to share knowledge and align LCA methods. This data infrastructure is a key component to creating a harmonized network of LCA capacity from across the federal government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Derek Adam Levine

This article addresses how China’s discriminatory trade practices and illicit means of foreign technology acquisition under its Made in China 2025 plan undermine current international trade orders and pose the greatest threat to its existence. Using both primary and secondary data, this article highlights major implications that Made in China 2025 has on free trade, the overall health of the U.S. economy, and U.S. national security. It proposes a multilateral strategy to preserve the current trade system to steer China on track toward honoring its commitment to free trade and identifies how the United States can maintain supremacy throughout the twenty-first century.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarayu Srinivasan

Most people identify innovation by a financial outcome or event: either raising capital or generating it. This paper posits that while innovation is actually not defined by capital (consumption or generation), in order for an innovation to dominate market and mind share, capital is required. While the U.S. federal government has supported innovation across nearly every industry by underwriting many modern advances across the world, it cannot take its own innovations to market and requires the collaboration of the private sector for this. Achieving this collaboration is often challenging, as federal innovation is usually too early and immature to attract private investment, thus requiring further risk mitigation before the private sector can engage. Today, however, there are pressing reasons for the government and industry to collaborate, including economic and innovation drivers and challenges from foreign actors. This paper makes recommendations that federal innovation can employ to better position itself, including updating its lexicon and adopting novel engagement strategies and mindsets to attract venture capital and industry over the long term.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-353
Author(s):  
Yury Viktorovich Borovsky

Since the mid-2000s, the American energy industry has undergone profound changes. Having made the so-called shale revolution and achieved impressive results in the field of energy efficiency and renewable energy, the United States of America has not only radically reduced its dependence on imported hydrocarbons, but has begun to increase exports of these commodities. Given the economic weight of the U.S., such changes have significantly transformed the global energy market, requiring leading oil and gas exporters (including Russia) to take non-standard steps (for example, the OPEC+ deal). They also created serious prerequisites for Washington’s revision of its traditional energy policy in the international arena. The author makes a conclusion that the United States has not yet come out of the paradigm of net oil importer, which was formed after the first world oil crisis of 1973-1974. This means that Washington is still committed to the traditional principles of it’s foreign energy policy: diversification of oil import sources; promotion of free trade in world energy; special relations with oil exporters in the Persian Gulf and the strategic importance of the Middle East; reliance on energy suppliers from the Western hemisphere, etc. However, having radically reduced oil and gas imports and having got the opportunity to export them, the United States could not help but bring something new to its energy policy. While still prioritizing security of energy supply, the U.S. under B. Obama has started talking about the American energy independence, and D. Trump has proclaimed the global energy dominance as a new key American goal. The author assumes that global energy dominance implies Washington’s aggressive promotion of the American energy exporters, as well as its intention to turn the U.S. into a technological leader and a key regulator in the global energy market. Moreover, the U.S. has become freer in the matter of sanctions and other pressure on major oil and gas exporters, guided by its geopolitical and economic interests. Due to the growth of the American oil and gas export potential, the confrontation between Moscow and Washington in the energy sector, which began during the Cold war, has now acquired an additional economic dimension. Previously, the United States has tried to restrain the development of the Soviet, later Russian energy industry, but acted purely in the logic of political rivalry, not economic competition. Thus, in the foreseeable future the United States is unlikely to abandon its attempts to politicize and discredit Russia as an energy supplier to Europe and other regions of the world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 78 (10) ◽  
pp. 571
Author(s):  
Gavin Baker

Congress’ Committee on House Administration this year began examining Title 44 of the U.S. Code, which is the authority for the Federal Depository Library Program (FDLP) and Government Publishing Office (GPO). This is an important opportunity for librarians to advocate for improvements to FDLP and public access to government information.FDLP was designed to ensure widespread and long-term public access to information produced by the federal government. The program is managed by GPO, formerly known as the Government Printing Office, a federal government agency that publishes information on behalf of all three branches of government.


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