scholarly journals Management of reindeer husbandry in Norway – power-sharing and participation

Rangifer ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birgitte Ulvevadet

Many governments have come to realize that the best way to manage natural resources is to include the resource users in order to increase legitimacy for governance. For the Sami reindeer industry, the Norwegian government has implemented two different management models in order to meet this challenge. On the one hand, there is a corporative management model where a few democratically elected reindeer owners represent the whole industry in the annual negotiations with the government. On the other hand, there is a co-management model where reindeer owners are represented in boards at the local, regional and national levels where the government has delegated a number of management functions. In addition, there is also a hierarchical administrative management system, with only public officials as employees. Nevertheless, through media, surveys and interviews, there has been observed some dissatisfaction among reindeer owners; they claim that the system is not inclusive. I argue that the election of reindeer owners to the different co-management boards and the election of reindeer owners to the corporative units have been challenging because it is difficult to establish systems of representation that are fair for everyone. I also argue that it is complicated to make such comprehensive systems work in practice, as initially planned on paper. Abstract in Norwegian / Sammendrag:Forvaltningen av reindriften i Norge – maktfordeling og deltakelseMyndigheter i mange land har erkjent at å innbefatte ressursbrukere i forvaltningsmessige beslutningsprosesser skaper en mer rettmessig forvaltningspolitikk. For å øke medvirkningen for ressursbrukere har norske myndigheter iverksatt to ulike forvaltningsmodeller i den samiske reindriften. På den ene siden er det innført et korporativt system hvor utvalgte reineiere representerer reindriften i de årlige forhandlingene med myndighetene. På den andre siden er det iverksatt et medforvaltningssystem hvor reineiere er representert i styrer på lokalt, regionalt og nasjonalt nivå. Staten har også delegert en del forvaltningsgjøremål til disse styrene. Likevel har det gjennom media, spørreundersøkelser og intervjuer, kommet frem at noen reineiere er misfornøyde med forvaltningssystemet og at de føler seg ekskludert fra deltakelse. Jeg argumenterer derfor for at oppnevningen av reineiere til de ulike medforvaltningsstyrene og oppnevning av reineiere til det korporative organ er en delvis uløst utfordring fordi det er vanskelig å etablere et representasjonssystem som føles rettferdig for alle. Jeg påviser også at det er vanskelig å få slike sammensatte systemer til å fungere like godt i praksis som de var planlagt.

Edupedia ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-64
Author(s):  
Agus Supriyadi

Character education is a vital instrument in determining the progress of a nation. Therefore the government needs to build educational institutions in order to produce good human resources that are ready to oversee and deliver the nation at a progressive level. It’s just that in reality, national education is not in line with the ideals of national education because the output is not in tune with moral values on the one hand and the potential for individuals to compete in world intellectual order on the other hand. Therefore, as a solution to these problems is the need for the applicationof character education from an early age.


Author(s):  
Christine Cheng

During the civil war, Liberia’s forestry sector rose to prominence as Charles Taylor traded timber for arms. When the war ended, the UN’s timber sanctions remained in effect, reinforced by the Forestry Development Authority’s (FDA) domestic ban on logging. As Liberians waited for UN timber sanctions to be lifted, a burgeoning domestic timber market developed. This demand was met by artisanal loggers, more commonly referred to as pit sawyers. Out of this illicit economy emerged the Nezoun Group to provide local dispute resolution between the FDA’s tax collectors and ex-combatant pit sawyers. The Nezoun Group posed a dilemma for the government. On the one hand, the regulatory efforts of the Nezoun Group helped the FDA to tax an activity that it had banned. On the other hand, the state’s inability to contain the operations of the Nezoun Group—in open contravention of Liberian laws—highlighted the government’s capacity problems.


2020 ◽  
pp. 12-20
Author(s):  
Javier Lapa-Guzmán ◽  
Juan Carlos Baltazar-Escalona ◽  
Eduardo Rosas-Rojas

The Mexican economy has a fragile and inefficient financing structure for the productive sector; which acquires great relevance in the face of the imminent economic recession that will follow the most critical period of the Covid-19 pandemic. In this paper, the evolution of the different financing channels is analyzed, in order to know, on the one hand, the composition of the financing of companies; and on the other hand, identify the type of company that presents the highest degree of vulnerability and that, therefore, the government should prioritize. For this, a statistical analysis is carried out both of the composition of the financing of the companies; as well as the characteristics of these companies and their relevance in the economic dynamics of the country.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-244
Author(s):  
Rudolf Maes

In the years 1975-1976 the Belgian government has given high priority to the restructuring of local government, resp. by the means of mergers of communes : the number of communes has decreased by that way from 2,359 to 596.In the decision-making emphasized were the initiatives taken by the Minister of the Interior as wel! on the domain of the elaboration of the proposals to delimitate the territory of the new communes as on the domain of the defining of the terms of execution with regard to the personnel, the finances, the transition of goods, etc.  About the proposals on the delimitation of the territory the local governmentscould only give advice ; they have been sanctioned by the legislative assemblees at the end of 1975 after rather difficult and heated debates.During this period an important resistance developed : on the one side from the communal milieu itself and on the other side from the opposition parties, esp. the Belgian Socialist Party not participating in the government that had made the drawing of the new map of communes according to a broad plan to its aim.Nevertheless, the decision-making also has to be seen from the fact that the opposition parties agreed with the principle of the mergers : they mainly contested the way in which the mergers were executed.The abolition of the federations of communes around the Brussels agglomeration, decided in the same context, has to be seen in the light of the typical Belgian problem of the coexistence of different linguistic groups.


2022 ◽  
pp. 86-105
Author(s):  
Marie Bohata ◽  
Anna Putnova ◽  
Martina Rasticova ◽  
Andrea Cebakova

The purpose of the contribution is to present a newly designed training programme for public administrators in ethics and integrity. The programme was developed based on a broad empirical research among public administrators at the central and local levels of public administration aiming at identification of core values, major ethical issues, attitudes, and ethics instruments in place on the one hand and the training needs of civil servants and other public administrators on the other hand. Attention was paid to differences among rank-and-file administrators and managers and to differences between men and women where relevant.


Archaeologia ◽  
1890 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 609-616
Author(s):  
George E. Fox

The following notes, mostly made on the spot, record the discovery of a further portion of the Roman wall of London, and give such details respecting its construction as it has been possible to observe.The Government having determined to erect additional buildings to the General Post Office in St. Martin's le Grand, certain steps were taken in order to ascertain the nature of the ground on which these buildings were to be placed. For this purpose, in the latter part of 1887, shafts were sunk along a line from Aldersgate Street to King Edward Street, some yards south of the old money order office and parallel to Bull and Mouth Street, a street now swept away. In sinking these pits the workmen came upon the Roman wall, and afterwards, as the process of preparing the site for the new buildings proceeded, a considerable fragment of it was unearthed running east and west, and extending from Aidersgate Street on the one side to King Edward Street on the other. It was found that the line of buildings and walls forming the southern boundary of the churchyard of St. Botolph, Aldersgate Street, was based upon this wall, and it seems very probable that the churchyard and church above named partly occupy the ground filling up the original ditch.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Badran

AbstractTo maintain political stability and to preserve the plurality and the diversity that characterise its societies, consociational democracies require, more than other states, a grand coalition government. In this type of democracy, the grand coalition is not a model that is used in exceptional cases, as in majoritarian democracies. It is a deliberate and permanent political choice. In Lebanon, following the modifications implemented by the 1989 Ṭā’if Accord, the Constitution instituted a collegial power-sharing within the executive that implies the establishment of a grand coalition which enables the political participation of the main Lebanese religious confessions in the government. On the other hand, the formation of the Lebanese Council of ministers since the spring of 2005 has become increasingly difficult and coalitions are often less stable than in the past. These laborious negotiations for unstable governmental coalitions are especially problematic in what may be called the perversion of the constitutional procedure by leaders of the parliamentary blocs.


Philosophy ◽  
1940 ◽  
Vol 15 (57) ◽  
pp. 3-6
Author(s):  
J. H. Muirhead

Second in importance only to the question raised by the short editorial in the last number of Philosophy: Why are we at War? is that on which there is at present a lively discussion going on in The Times and elsewhere under the title of “German Rulers and People”: With Whom are we at War? On one point there is no difference of opinion: we are at war with the blood- and crimestained group that, with Hitler at their head, hold the reins of government. Difference begins when it is asked what share the people of Germany as a whole has in their crimes. On the one side are those who hold that, as you cannot, in historical words, “bring an indictment against a whole nation,” neither can you be at war with a whole people, and that the main problem we have before us is the discovery of the means to appeal to the intelligence and hearts of the mass of the nation in order to enlist it against its Government as a common enemy. On the other side are those who quote the equally historic words that “every nation gets the kind of government it deserves,” from which “it follows that it deserves no immunity for the acts of the Government by which it chooses, or allows itself, to be governed.” This argument is reinforced first by a general philosophy of war as the “natural” order of things from which man is only gradually emerging into an exceptional and precarious condition of peace; and secondly, with regard to Germany in particular, that “the lust for dominance through force is, and will be for generations, at the root of the German character.” The importance of the issue as thus stated requires no emphasis.


Subject Kosovo's violent and fragmenting opposition. Significance Three parties which had formed a united front against the government have split into two camps. Vetevendosje (Self-Determination) is on the one side; the Alliance for the Future of Kosovo (AAK) and the Initiative for Kosovo (Nisma), which have formed a formal coalition, are on the other. The split strengthens the government's position. Impacts Further unrest will have damaging consequences for the economy, implementing the Brussels Agreement and Kosovo's passage towards the EU. The governing parties will gain from opposition disunity in any electoral contest, increasing the prospect of early elections. Kosovo's Serbs may implement the devolution aspects of the Brussels Agreement unilaterally, further exacerbating tensions.


1940 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 728-736 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Ivor Jennings

The events of the days of May, when Parliament replaced the “National” Government of the third Chamberlain by the “truly National” Government of the third Churchill, illustrate the danger of simple explanations of the working of the British constitution. The notion that responsible government could be expressed in terms of Parliamentary “control” of the Government in power has disappeared. There has been, however, a tendency to replace it by the equally naive explanation of Governmental control of Parliament. The truth lies in between. On the one hand, it must be recognized that, through the party machine, a Government with a majority has very substantial powers of control. On the other hand, it must equally be recognized that public opinion, acting through members of Parliament, has a profound influence on the policy of the Government. The precise relationship has never been fully investigated, because the British electoral machine has never been adequately studied. It is doubtful if it can ever be adequately expounded, because, like so many parts of the British constitution, it depends upon intangible elements which do not lend themselves easily to demonstration.


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