scholarly journals Creating a map of Arctic Indigenous languages and revitalization

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linnea Nordström

In 2019 the University Library at UiT - The Arctic University of Norway partnered with the Arctic Council Indigenous Peoples' Secretariat to create Ságastallamin - Telling the Story of Arctic Indigenous Languages, an interactive multi-media exhibition commemorating the UN International Year of Indigenous Languages.  An Arctic Indigenous language map was updated for use in the exhibition, but the print format proved to be limiting, and the exhibition time frame did not allow for a thorough linguistic review. Therefore a follow-up project “Arctic Indigenous languages and revitalization: an online educational resource” was started in 2021 to further develop the map and convert it to an openly available online educational resource in GIS format. One key aspect of the new map is that it will feature individual language names in their Indigenous names, as well as in English and Russian.  The project team consists of representatives from Higher Educational Institutions, Indigenous organizations, and Government departments from Canada, Finland, Greenland, Norway, Russia and the United States. The work on the map has just begun and this spring and summer the goal is to collect feedback from Indigenous language experts on the original exhibition print map before designing a new GIS version in the fall.  We would like to present the current print map to the Arctic Knot conference in order to receive feedback about additional languages to include, creative ways to present language information in different layers, and suggestions for innovative language revitalization initiatives to feature on the map. There is an online form to collect feedback, and so the lightning talk would be used to present the project goals briefly and then encourage conference participants to submit feedback using the form after the talk. 

ARCTIC ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Evgeniia Sidorova

This article investigates differences in circumpolar indigeneities in three major Arctic nations: Russia, Canada, and the United States (Alaska). Russia has different ways of recognizing indigeneity in law, and that definition of indigeneity excludes larger Indigenous groups of the Far North (Sakha, Komi), rather than seeing them as ethnic (titular) minorities. This study reveals that: 1) not all Indigenous peoples are represented in the Arctic Council; 2) there are historical explanations for this underrepresentation; 3) the Arctic Council should include more Indigenous groups as Permanent Participants. The equal representation of Indigenous organizations as Permanent Participants in the Arctic Council is important because all Indigenous groups in the Arctic should be heard.


Nordlit ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torbjørn Pedersen

This article discusses what role(s) member governments want the Arctic Council to have in Arctic affairs. It compares the foreign policies of the five littoral states of the Arctic Ocean: Canada, Denmark, Norway, Russia, and the United States. It identifies and examines three determining debates on a ministerial level over the Arctic Council and the issues it might address: The first debate preceded the Arctic Council's creation in 1996; the second thrived as the five Arctic littoral states convened in Ilulissat, Greenland in 2008; and the third followed a political shift inthe United States in 2009.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (16) ◽  
pp. 4497 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oran R. Young

Conditions in the Arctic today differ from those prevailing during the 1990s in ways that have far-reaching implications for the architecture of Arctic governance. What was once a peripheral region regarded as a zone of peace has turned into ground zero for climate change on a global scale and a scene of geopolitical maneuvering in which Russia is flexing its muscles as a resurgent great power, China is launching economic initiatives, and the United States is reacting defensively as an embattled but still potent hegemon. This article explores the consequences of these developments for Arctic governance and specifically for the role of the Arctic Council. The article canvasses options for adjusting the council’s membership and its substantive remit. It pays particular attention to opportunities for the council to play a role in managing the increasingly complex Arctic regime complex.


2020 ◽  
pp. 520-532
Author(s):  
Marguerite Koole ◽  
Kevin wâsakâyâsiw Lewis

In this article, the authors explore how mobile learning can complement the Certificate of Indigenous Languages program at the University of Saskatchewan in Western Canada. Through the FRAME model analysis, the authors extract salient cultural, pedagogical, environmental, and technological characteristics that should be considered in the development of mobile learning tools and approaches for Cree language teachers. It is hoped that this article will stimulate a dialogue amongst designers and Indigenous groups regarding language sustainability through mobile learning. The article concludes with key findings: the need to follow protocols, to establish good relationships, and to design for areas of low/no bandwidth. Finally, the examination of current Indigenous language learning methods provides ideas for the development of much needed “apps” appropriate for Cree learners and teachers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-38
Author(s):  
Yelena Yermakova

The changing situation in the Arctic due to global warming has prompted media coverage of a supposed “scramble for the Arctic,” an “Arctic boom,” or an “Arctic Bonanza.” Some even go further, deploying the rhetoric of a “New Cold War,” predicting an inevitable clash between the United States and Russia over interests in the region. The press coverage in both countries over the past decade reflects this new sensationalism. The academic literature unequivocally confirms that the press exerts substantial influence on governmental policy makers, and vice versa. However, while scholars agree that international organizations (IOs) are essential to shaping policies, the existing literature lacks research on media’s relationship with IOs, which often struggle to obtain the coverage and publicity they deserve. The Arctic Council has provided an effective platform for constructive dialogue and decision making involving the USA and Russia. Accordingly, despite disagreements in other regions of the world, the two global powers have managed to cooperate in the Arctic – notwithstanding recent media coverage painting a different and incomplete picture. This project surveys the media coverage of the Arctic over the past decade in Russia and the USA and its correlation with the Arctic Council’s activities. The analysis draws upon two prominent news organizations in Russia (Kommersant and Izvestiya) and two in the USA (the New York Times and the Wall Street Journal), as well as the Arctic Council’s press releases from June 2006 to June 2017. The paper finds that there is a clear disconnect between media coverage of the region and the Arctic Council’s activities. It recommends that the media pay more attention to the organization, particularly since it is the only prominent platform for international cooperation in the Arctic.


Author(s):  
L. A. Matiyak

The United States, as one of the five Arctic states, plays what seems at first glance a typical role in the Arctic through their regional policy that uses standard tactical maneuvers, which have proven themselves worthy in other areas of the globe. However, this role is played with unusual passiveness that can be attributed primarily to a lack of an Arctic identity. This is most evident upon comparison with other states of the Arctic "five", which are completely different from each other, and nevertheless are bound by a sense of belonging to the North. The Unites States is the only Arctic state that has not signed the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, that has taken a firm stance on the sovereignty of the Northwest Passage, that risks increasing tensions with Canada, and that is not developing its icebreaker fleet, which is crucial to operations in the Arctic. This circumpolar strategic ambivalence of a powerful state, that is experienced in conducting foreign affairs, in itself presents significant room for research. Meanwhile, the region's importance is increasing in the changing international environment; it can become a "battlefield" due its strategic geopolitical position and at the same time the "main trophy"due to its abundant hydrocarbon potential. During the recent years, the Arctic has been gradually transforming into a "metaregion" for foreign affairs; its geographically limited borders have spread globally due to an increasing international presence in the Polar Region that has significant energy resources and transportation potential. This is confirmed by the emergence of new actors (including traditionally non-Arctic players), the change in agenda of multilateral discussions (traditional topics, such as protection of the fragile Arctic environment, indigenous peoples of the North, have been complemented with the new "challenges" of energy security, global warming, and militarization), and the strengthening of the institutional framework (the Arctic Council has been more and more influential). In light of the recent tension in Russian-US relations and the rising significance of the Polar Region, US Arctic policy should be the subject of an in-depth analysis of foreign-affairs experts and the government.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 76-83
Author(s):  
VERA I. SMORCHKOVA ◽  

Over the past three decades, the Arctic has shown an unprecedented pace of international cooperation. Work in this direction takes place within the framework of the Arctic Council, the Barents Euro-Arctic Region Council (BEAC), the Northern Forum, the International Arctic Science Committee, the International Conference “Arctic Frontiers”, the Conference of Parliamentarians of the Arctic Countries, the University of the Arctic, etc. Cooperation and integration of the Arctic regions are of great importance for the social and economic development of this macro-region. United, the Arctic countries will preserve and develop territories on the principles of sustainable development. While studying the topic of the article, the author realized that the existing initiatives are not enough to meet the growing needs of the region. Today, the circumpolar region faces geopolitical, socio- economic, and environmental challenges. Changes in economic development and global warming are a serious threat to the population of the Arctic. Governmental and non-governmental organizations associated with activities in the Arctic, as well as its direct residents, are interested in international cooperation in various areas that are related to the problems of the region. The participation of countries and organizations is needed for an immediate response to changes, as well as to solve emerging problems, to pursue common interests, and to find effective mechanisms for managing emerging changes. In the article, the author also offers practical recommendations for the proper use of the potential of the Russian Arctic.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sabaa A. Khan

AbstractThe regulation of short-lived climate pollutants (SLCPs) is widely seen as an important dimension of global atmospheric pollution control and climate change governance. SLCPs emitted outside the Arctic influence the Arctic atmosphere, Arctic communities, and the rate of ice melt. As an intergovernmental forum that brings together three of the world’s major petroleum producers (Russia, the United States, and Canada), the Arctic Council has a pivotal role in reducing the rate of Arctic warming through SLCP mitigation. This article explores the Arctic Council’s approach to SLCP mitigation. It begins by addressing the current status of black carbon and methane in international legal instruments, and goes on to explore the important regime linkages that are set in place through the Arctic Council’s Framework for Action on Enhanced Black Carbon and Methane Emission Reductions. The article suggests that the Arctic Council provides an experimental platform that may catalyze SLCP regulation not only in Arctic jurisdictions but also in Arctic Council observer states, such as China and India. The transnational and inclusive character of the Arctic Council’s constitutional framework and knowledge-generating mechanisms enables new pathways for global action on climate change and air pollution governance.


Author(s):  
Telesetsky Anastasia

This chapter examines issues of global ocean governance from North American and Arctic perspectives. It first considers the priority global ocean law and policy issues for federal agencies in Canada, Mexico, and the United States in the areas of marine environment protection and traditional maritime security (for example, trafficking and human migration). For each North American State, the chapter identifies any specific interactions between the State and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) that have been highlighted by the State that involve ocean governance competencies. The focus is on a small subset of IGOs and United Nations entities including the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Maritime Organization, World Meteorological Organization, World Customs Organization, and the UN Security Council. The chapter concludes with a discussion of the global ocean governance priorities of the Arctic Council and any interactions between the Arctic Council and UN IGOs on priority matters for the Council.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
I. S. Doroshenko

The People’s Republic of China is increasing its influence around the world every day. It’s hard not to notice the aggressive economic expansion being carried out by China in the Asian region. Chinese presence is felt in Africa, South America and even in Europe. By engaging in a trade war with the United States, China thereby challenged the most influential economy in the world, which is confirmed by its ambitions as a world leader. To meet these ambitions, a powerful transport and logistics support is necessary, which gave rise to the “Belts and Ways” initiative. The initiative “One Belt - One Road” combines two projects: “The Economic Belt of the Silk Road” and “The Sea Silk Road of the XXI Century”. This means that, in addition to the traditional land routes of the Silk Road, Beijing is exploring the sea routes along the African continent and in the Pacific Ocean. Since the initiative does not have a clear strategy, the northern routes that have recently become relevant are also considered by the Chinese authorities.The search for an alternative to the Suez Canal has repeatedly prompted researchers to use the Northern Sea Route as a trading artery linking Europe and Asia, but climatic conditions and technical capabilities did not allow this idea to be realized. The current situation in the Arctic region allows us to talk about new development prospects.China is actively interested in the Arctic: since 2013, it has an observer status in the Arctic Council, has been increasing its presence in the region by organizing scientific expeditions, building icebreakers, introducing its own brand “Northern Silk Road”, and also investing in projects like “Yamal LNG». China outlined its presence in the Arctic region in a white paper published in January 2018. One of the main goals that Beijing sets for itself is multilateral cooperation in the development of the Northern Sea Route.The author of the article analyzes the origins of such interest, as well as possible threats to Russia. The study also examines the position of European partners in the participation of the development of the SMP, bilateral relations with the Chinese side and the ratio of the strategy of the European Union, China and Russia in the High North. The author gives a geopolitical rationale for Chinese initiatives that are aimed at creating the conditions for intensive navigation in the northern areas.


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