scholarly journals From Recognition to Integration: Indigenous Autonomy, State Authority, and National Identity in the Philippines

Author(s):  
NINA MCMURRY

How does the recognition of collective self-governance rights for indigenous communities affect national unity and state consolidation? In recent decades, many states have recognized such rights, devolving de jure control over land and local governance to indigenous institutions. Prominent perspectives in the state-building literature suggest that these policies are likely to threaten state consolidation by strengthening nonstate authorities at the expense of state authority and subnational identities at the expense of a national identity. Yet few studies have tested whether these policies have the consequences their critics claim. I address this gap, leveraging spatial and temporal variation in the granting of communal land titles to indigenous communities in the Philippines. Using difference-in-differences and panel designs, I find that titling increases both indigenous self-identification and compliance with the state. Results from an original survey experiment suggest that recognizing collective self-governance rights increases identification with the nation.

Author(s):  
Melissa M. Lee

Policymakers worry that “ungoverned spaces” pose dangers to security and development. Why do such spaces exist beyond the authority of the state? Earlier scholarship—which addressed this question with a list of domestic failures—overlooked the crucial role that international politics play. This book argues that foreign subversion undermines state authority and promotes ungoverned space. Enemy governments empower insurgents to destabilize the state and create ungoverned territory. This kind of foreign subversion is a powerful instrument of modern statecraft. But though subversion is less visible and less costly than conventional force, it has insidious effects on governance in the target state. To demonstrate the harmful consequences of foreign subversion for state authority, the book marshals a wealth of evidence and presents in-depth studies of Russia’s relations with the post-Soviet states, Malaysian subversion of the Philippines in the 1970s, and Thai subversion of Vietnamese-occupied Cambodia in the 1980s. The evidence presented is persuasive: foreign subversion weakens the state. The book challenges the conventional wisdom on statebuilding, which has long held that conflict promotes the development of strong, territorially consolidated states. The book argues instead that conflictual international politics prevents state development and degrades state authority. In addition, the book illuminates the use of subversion as an underappreciated and important feature of modern statecraft. Rather than resort to war, states resort to subversion. Policymakers interested in ameliorating the consequences of ungoverned space must recognize the international roots that sustain weak statehood.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 22
Author(s):  
Wahyu Nugroho

AbstrakKonstitusi hijau (green constitution) menempatkan Indonesia sebagai negara yang memiliki konsekuensi yuridis konstitusional di dalam UUD 1945 untuk menerapkan prinsip-prinsip ekokrasi, yakni setiap kebijaksanaan atau pembangunan di bidang perekonomian selalu memerhatikan lingkungan hidup di segala sektor, termasuk kehutanan. Hal ini bertujuan untuk menerapkan pilar-pilar pembangunan berkelanjutan (sustainable development) secara seimbang demi menyejahterakan rakyat. Objek kajian ini adalah putusan MK No. 35/PUU-X/2012 dengan subjek hukumnya masyarakat adat yang telah dilanggar hak konstitusionalnya. Masyarakat hukum adat memiliki kearifan lokal (local wisdom) tersendiri dalam upaya perlindungan dan pengelolaan lingkungan hidup atas sumber daya alam hutan adat, sehingga negara wajib melindungi dan bertindak sebagai fasilitator masyarakat hukum adat untuk mengelola hutan adatnya sendiri. Tujuan dari pengkajian ini adalah untuk menguji dan menganalisis konsistensi kewenangan negara atas doktrin welfare state atau negara kesejahteraan dalam pengelolaan hutan negara dengan kewenangan masyarakat adat dalam pengelolaan hutan adat berdasarkan kajian socio-legal atau hukum dalam fakta sosial atas putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi. Penulis menggunakan metodologi berdasarkan pengkajian putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi, dengan menelaah aspek socio-legal dalam putusan ini. Selain itu, bahan hukum primer dan bahan hukum sekunder sebagai pijakan yuridis normatif dan studi kepustakaan sebagai kerangka teori. Hasil kajian ini terungkap bahwa terdapat hubungan antara hak menguasai negara dengan hutan negara, dan hak menguasai negara terhadap hutan adat. Terhadap hutan negara, negara mempunyai wewenang penuh untuk mengatur dan memutuskan persediaan, peruntukan, pemanfaatan, pengurusan serta hubungan-hubungan hukum yang terjadi di wilayah hutan negara. Adapun hutan adat, wewenang negara dibatasi sejauhmana isi wewenang yang tercakup dalam hutan adat. Hak pengelolaan hutan adat berada pada masyarakat hukum adat, namun jika dalam perkembangannya masyarakat hukum adat yang bersangkutan tidak ada lagi, maka hak pengelolaan hutan adat jatuh kepada Pemerintah. Kesimpulan yang diperoleh adalah hak menguasai negara dimaknai sebagai kewenangan dan kewajiban negara untuk mengelola sumber daya alam hutan dengan tujuan kesejahteraan masyarakat, termasuk masyarakat adat, sehingga negara berfungsi sebagai fasilitator.AbstractGreen constitution placed Indonesia as a country that has a constitutional juridical consequences constitution in 1945 to apply the principles of ecocracy, that is any wisdom or development in the field of economy always looking environment in all sectors, including forestry. It aims to implement the pillars of sustainable development in a balanced manner for the sake of welfare of the people (society). The study object is the Constitution Court decision No. 35/PUU-X/2012 with indigenous people’s subject his constitutional rights. Indigenous and tribal peoples have local wisdoms of its own in the protection and management of natural resources of indigenous forest, so that the state shall protect and act as facilitators of indigenous communities to manage their own indigenous forests. The purpose of this study are to examine and analyze the consistency of state authority over the doctrine of welfare state in the management of state forest with indigenous authorities in the indigenous forest management based on socio-legal study of the Constitutional Court's decision. The author uses a methodology based on assessment of the Constitutional Court decision, by examining the socio-legal aspects of this decision. In addition, primary legal materials and secondary legal materials as a normative foundation and the study of literature as a theoretical framework. The results of this study revealed that is a relationship between the state is the state forest, and the state is customary forests. To the state forest, the state has full authority to organize and decide the inventory, allocation, utilization, management, and legal relations that occur in the forest region of the country. The indigenous forests, state authority is limited extent authorized content covered in indigenous forest. Indigenous forest management rights of indigenous communities, but if the development of indigenous communities in question no longer exists, then the rights of indigenous forest management falls to the Government. The conclusion is the state is interpreted as the authority and duty of the state to manage forest resources with the goal of public welfare, including indigenous peoples, so that the state serves as a facilitator. Unity traditional communities (indigenous peoples) are part of the eco-system of indigenous forest resource contains the values of local wisdom which has the right to manage indigenous forest, without the intervention of the state or private 


Al-Farabi ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Y. Poita ◽  

The peculiarities of the national identity of Ukrainians significantly influenced the process of national and state-building in Ukraine, thereby determining the national identity and subsequently the political behavior of its citizens. One of the striking examples of the influence of national identity in Ukraine is the events of 2013-2014 in Crimea and in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, when, under the influence of the internal political crisis and external influence, part of Ukrainian society took part in rallies, incl. with the aim of changing the social system and even secession from the country, which led to threats to the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The purpose of this article is to identify the features of the national identity of Ukrainians, which created the basis for massive anti-Ukrainian actions in 2013-2014, as well as modern trends in the development of Ukrainian society, and their impact on the national security of the state. The main results and conclusions of the article: significant regional differences in the identities of Ukrainians formed the conditions for the emergence and external construction of the socio-political crisis. Strong regional identity, low support for Independence, linguistic and political preferences of the inhabitants of the East and South of Ukraine became the key factors that influenced the stability of the state. Changes in Ukraine's policy after 2014, in the context of a military conflict with Russia, changed the characteristics of national identity, and probably contributed to the formation of a stronger Ukrainian state. The article can be used to further study the problematic aspects of the formation of national identity in the post-Soviet space, as well as to simulate scenarios for the development of political crises in order to develop an effective state policy that will help strengthen national unity, meet the needs of society, and find compromises between different social groups.


Author(s):  
John Blanco

In this excerpt from the annual letter reporting on the state of the Jesuit order in the Philippines, Fr. Juan de Bueras, the Jesuit provincial, relates the difficulties that the Church was experiencing among the indigenous communities of the island of Mindoro. Hoping to convert the Magayanes people of the mountains to Christianity, the Jesuits found that they had to redirect their efforts to the supposedly Catholic communities of the coast, which had reverted to pre-Christian beliefs and practices. Bueras’s letter provides insight into the limitations of the Church’s effort to convert native Filipinos, and the nature of Filipino religious life in the early colonial context. John Blanco places the letter in the broader context of religious and secular colonialism, and broader questions about the supposed Hispanization of the Philippines.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
William George Nomikos

What explains the legitimacy of state institutions in areas of limited statehood? In order to ensure effective governance, it is critical for states with limited capacities to establishthe legitimacy of state authority. Yet, the sources of institutional legitimacy are not well understood in areas of limited statehood where legitimacy is often the only mechanism for the state to ensure compliance and cooperation of citizens. This article argues that inareas of limited statehood a state’s legitimacy among the domestic population crucially depends on whether that population feels safe and secure. We test this argument withan original survey fielded with 2,000 respondents from Liberia using multilevel modelling. Our results demonstrate that security perceptions of the population play a key role instrengthening state legitimacy at both the community and county level. We also find that explicit attribution of security to specific institutions is key for linking more effectivegovernance with more legitimacy. However, security alone is not enough to acquire state legitimacy. Our analysis also reveals that states gain legitimacy when locals perceiveinstitutions as just and elections as free and fair in addition to feeling secure. The results demonstrate that the sources of state legitimacy are multifaceted and that the provisionof security is an important component thereof. Thereby, our study speaks to lates theoretical debates on the various sources of state legitimacy and contributes novelempirical evidence.


2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ringo Ringvee

The article focuses on the relations between the state , mainstream religions and new religious movements in Estonia from the early 1990s until today. Estonia has been known as one of highly secular and religiously liberal countries. During the last twenty years Estonian religious scene has become considerably more pluralist, and there are many different religious traditions represented in Estonia. The governmental attitude toward new religious movements has been rather neutral, and the practice of multi-tier recognition of religious associations has not been introduced. As Estonia has been following neoliberal governance also in the field of religion, the idea that the religious market should regulate itself has been considered valid. Despite of the occasional conflicts between the parties in the early 1990s when the religious market was created the tensions did decrease in the following years. The article argues that one of the fundamental reasons for the liberal attitude towards different religious associations by the state and neutral coexistence of different traditions in society is that Estonian national identity does not overlap with any particular religious identity.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Gisela K. Cánepa

Nation branding plays a central role within neoliberal governmentality, operating as a technology of power in the configuration of emerging cultural and political formations such as national identity, citizenship and the state. The discussion of the advertising spot Perú, Nebraska  released as part of the Nation Branding campaign Marca Perú  in May of 2011, constitutes a great opportunity to: (i) argue about the way in which audiovisual advertisement products, designed as performative devises, operate as technologies of power; and (ii) problematize the terms in which it founds a new social contract for the Peruvian multicultural national community. This analysis will allow me to approach neoliberalism as a cultural regime in order to discuss the ideological nature of the uncontested celebratory discourse that has emerged in Perú and which explains the economic growth of the last decades as the outcome of a national entrepreneurial spirit that would be distinctive of Peruvian cultural identity.


Author(s):  
M. I. Dzhalalova ◽  
A. B. Biarslanov ◽  
D. B. Asgerova

The state of plant communities in areas located in the Tersko-Sulak lowland was studied by assessing phytocenotic indicators: the structure of vegetation cover, projective cover, species diversity, species abundance and elevated production, as well as automated decoding methods. There are almost no virgin soils and natural phytocenoses here; all of them have been transformed into agrocenoses (irrigated arable lands and hayfields, rice-trees and pastures). The long-term impact on pasture ecosystems of natural and anthropogenic factors leads to significant changes in the indigenous communities of this region. Phytocenoses are formed mainly by dry-steppe types of cereals with the participation of feather grass, forbs and ephemera, a semi-desert haloxerophytic shrub - Taurida wormwood. At the base of the grass stand is common coastal wormwood and Taurida wormwood - species resistant to anthropogenic influences. Anthropogenic impacts have led to a decrease in the number of species of feed-rich grain crops and a decrease in the overall productivity of pastures. Plant communities in all areas are littered with ruderal species. The seasonal dynamics of the land cover of the sites was estimated by the methods of automatic decoding of satellite images of the Landsat8 OLI series satellite for 2015, dated by the periods: spring - May 20, summer - July 23, autumn - October 20. Satellite imagery data obtained by Landsat satellite with a resolution in the multispectral image of 30 m per pixel, and in the panchromatic image - 10 m per pixel, which correspond to the requirements for satellite imagery to assess the dynamics of soil and vegetation cover. Lower resolution data, for example, NDVI MODIS, does not provide a reliable reflection of the state of soil and vegetation cover under arid conditions. In this regard, remote sensing data obtained from the Internet resource https://earthexplorer.usgs.gov/ was used.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (02) ◽  
pp. 66-78
Author(s):  
Nurul Fadilah

The ideology of Pancasila as a way of life, the basis of the state, and national identity has a various challenge from time to time so that the existence of Pancasila as an Ideology must be maintained, especially in industrial revolution 4.0. The research method used is a qualitative approach by doing study of literature. In data collection the writer used documentation while in techniques data analysis used content analysis, inductive and descriptive. Results of the research about challenges and strengthening of the Pancasila Ideology in facing the era of the industrial revolution 4.0 are: (1)  grounding Pancasila, (2) increasing professional human resources based on Pancasila’s values, (3) maintaining the existence of Pancasila as the State Ideology.


Author(s):  
Alizaman D. Gamon ◽  
Mariam Saidona Tagoranao

This study discusses the penetration of Islam in the Philippines, particularly the third wave of its expansion, which was brought by Sufi missionaries. It reinstates the historical relevance of Sufi ideas and approaches due to its contemporary relevance to the concept of social co-existence. The rational, intellectual and philosophical dimension of Islam is manifested in the cultural and traditional life of Muslim communities. The study also analyzes the impact of Muslim struggle for the development of Islamic institutions in the context of the secular state. The ongoing, unsettled debate between Islamic and government approaches to peace and development in Mindanao and Sulu continues unabated. Over the years, reforms were introduced, but in their midst, evidence of government biases and prejudices with regards to Islamic institutions have surfaced. Muslim leaders and intellectuals responded in the context of historical rights and freedom, but those views were often questioned as they are presumed to be incompatible with the national agenda for national unity. It was very recently that this incompatibility was readdressed giving support to having lasting peace and justice in Mindanao. The study argues that there have been substantial state-sponsored reforms which may contribute to the gradual advancement of Muslim communities. Though the path for the passage of Muslim concerns within the given condition is fragile and open to challenges, the study recognizes the prominence of inter-civilizational dialogue, from which the universal values of humanity will be embraced by both Muslim and non-Muslim policy makers. In addition, Muslim and non-Muslim communities in the Philippines need to embrace the universal principle of humanity and coexistence due to its relevance to the political stability and economic growth in the country.  Keywords: Muslims in the Philippines, Islamic institutions, Islamization, Muslim intellectuals, Reform. Abstrak Kajian ini mengkaji tentang kemasukan Islam, terutamanya gelombang ketiga perkembangannya, yang dibawa oleh para pendakwah sufi. Kajian itu mengembalikan semula sejarah penting tentang idea-idea dan pendekatan Sufi yang boleh digunapakai pada masa kini untuk mewujudkan keharmonian sosial di kalangan rakyat pelbagai agama. Pemahaman tentang Islam mempunyai pengaruh yang jelas terhadap kebudayaan dan tradisi Islam. Kajian ini juga menganalisis kesan perjuangan Muslim untuk pembangunan institusi Islam dalam konteks sebuah negara sekular. Perbahasan yang berterusan yang tidak menemukan penyelesaian antara pendekatan Islam dan pendekatan kerajaan untuk perdamaian serta pembangunan di Mindanao dan Sulu terus berlanjutan. Walaupun  bertahun-tahun pembaharuan telah dilakukan, namun terdapat bukti penolakan dan prasangka buruk kerajaan terhadap institusi Islam. Para pemimpin dan intelektual Muslim bertindak berdasarkan pada fakta sejarah dan hak kebebasan bersuara, namun pandangan mereka sering dipertikaikan kerana mereka dianggap tidak seiring dengan agenda dan perpaduan nasional. Baru-baru ini ketidakserasian ini mulai disuarakan semula untuk mendapat sokongan terhadap keamanan dan keadilan yang berterusan di Mindanao. Kajian ini mendapati bahawa terdapat pembaharuan yang dilakukan oleh pihak kerajaan yang boleh menyumbang ke arah  kemajuan masyarakat Islam secara beransur-ansur. Walaupun pendekatan bagi memenuhi hasrat orang Islam masih dalam keadaan yang rapuh dan penuh cabaran, namun kajian ini mengusulkan peripentingnya dialog antara peradaban dimana nilai-nilai universal manusia akan diperoleh dan dipegang oleh kedua-kedua pihak pembuat dasar iaitu  Islam dan bukan Islam. Di samping itu, umat Islam dan bukan Islam di Filipina perlu mengkaji dan mencontohi model keharmonian sosial Malaysia dan Singapura kerana kaitannya dengan kestabilan politik dan pertumbuhan ekonomi. Kata Kunci: Muslim di Filipina, institusi Islam, Islamisasi, intelektual Islam, Pembaharuan.


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