NAPOLEON AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE EMPIRE

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
PHILIP G. DWYER
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
French Empire ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Beliefs And Values ◽  
Dominant Set ◽  
French People ◽  
First French Empire ◽  
Louis Xvi

ABSTRACTHistorians generally discount the advent of the First French Empire as the result of Napoleon's personal ambition. Napoleon, however, could not have brought about the transition from republic to empire without wide support, not only among the political and military elite, but also among the French people. This article re-examines the reasons why, a little more than ten years after the execution of Louis XVI, moderate-conservative elements in the political elite opted for a monarchical-style political system, and why it was so widely accepted by ordinary people across France. It does so by examining the arguments in favour of empire in three ‘sites of ideas’: the neo-monarchists in Napoleon's entourage; the political elite, preoccupied with many of the same concerns that had plagued France since 1789; and the wider political nation, which expressed a manifest adhesion to Napoleon as emperor that was marked by an affective bond. The push to empire, it is argued, was an expression of a dominant set of political beliefs and values. Napoleon, on the other hand, only reluctantly came to accept the notion of heredity.

scholarly journals Le Petit Machiavellian Prince: Effects of latent toxoplasmosis on political beliefs and values

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Kopecky ◽  
Lenka Příplatová ◽  
Silvia Boschetti ◽  
Konrad Talmont-Kaminski ◽  
Jaroslav Flegr
Keyword(s):  
Online Survey ◽  
Relevant Literature ◽  
Cross Sectional Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Control Group ◽  
Toxoplasma Infection ◽  
Cross Sectional ◽  
Stress Theory ◽  
Political Beliefs ◽  
Beliefs And Values

Humans infected by Toxoplasma gondii express no specific symptoms but manifest higher incidence of many diseases, disorders and differences in personality and behaviour. The aim of this study was to compare the political beliefs and values of Toxoplasma-infected and Toxoplasma-free participants. We measured beliefs and values of 2315 responders via an online survey (477 Toxoplasma-infected) using the Political Beliefs and Values Inventory (PI34). This study showed Toxoplasma-infected and Toxoplasma-free participants of our cross-sectional study differed in three of four factors of PI34, scoring higher in Tribalism and lower in Cultural liberalism and Anti-Authoritarianism. We found sex differences in political beliefs associated with Toxoplasma infection. Infected women scored higher in tribalism and lower in cultural liberalism, compared with the Toxoplasma-free control group, while infected men scored higher in economic equity. These results fit with sexual differences in behaviour and attitude observed after toxoplasmosis infection. Controlling for the effect of worse physical health and mental health had little impact, suggesting that impaired health did not cause these changes. Rather than adaptation to prevalence of parasites, as suggested by parasite-stress theory, the differences might be side-effects of long-term mild inflammatory re-action, although definitive conclusions cannot be reached due to lack of relevant literature.

Komunikator Politik Berdasarkan Teori Generasi

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirza Shahreza
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Styles ◽  
Generation X ◽  
Political Behavior ◽  
Public Interest ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Media Technology ◽  
The Public ◽  
Generation Theory

At a time when the public interest is disrupted by a policy or regulation made by a power. Then, there will be a reaction from the political elite, educated, and ordinary people. Apparently, we can all play a role as a political communicator when reacting to news about politics that appear in various mass media. This paper will look at the mapping of political communicators based on generation theory. In an era, there will certainly be several layers of society that are distinguished by the age or the age at which they were born. The ever-changing media and technological trends greatly affect each generation in building their mindset and political behavior. Similarly, leadership styles and rulers’ perspective also color every generation. Based on Generation theory, there is the term traditionalist, baby boomers, generation X, Y, Z, and alpha. Everything is primarily related to the behavior, lifestyle, profession, culture that is often associated with the characteristics of those generations. The theory put forward by Strauss and Howe is a very subjective assumption. Based on the theory, the writer will adapt Generasi theory in understanding the political communicator in Indonesia. This paper is a study of literature derived from various scientific readings processed and composed by the author. Understanding the theory of generations can help to identify the characteristics and ways communicators communicate, constructing messages across generations that will generally split the senior (youth) and junior (youth) generation.Keywords: communicator, politics, generation theory, media, technology.

scholarly journals HILANGNYA ETIKA SEBAGAI SARANA ORIENTASI DAN KEBEBASAN EKSISTENSIONAL ELIT POLITIK

2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel Jusuf Litualy
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Group Interest ◽  
Moral Teaching ◽  
The People

Bertold Brecht’s anecdote If Sharks Were Men tells us about the life in the sea between sharks and little fish. Sharks teach the little fish about moral and their obedience to sharks. If they always obey to the sharks, they will have better future. This anecdote describes the political elite as sharks. They are being described as people, who are thirst of authority, but on the other side teach the ordinary people about “moral”. The ordinary people are being described as little fishes, that can be easily influenced and dominated. In this work, Brecht places himself as Mister K, the narrator, who lucidly describes the character of the ruler or political elite and the ordinary people. He makes three important points as a reflection of the life at that time. Firstly, the political elite always use the other people for their personal and group interest without feeling guilty, or in other words, public deception has already become a trend for political elite. Secondly, the ordinary people can be easily influenced to follow what Brecht calls in his work as “moral teaching”. Thirdly, the character of political elite always deceive and ignore the people and the helplessness of the people in dealing with the ruler is seen in this work as a reflection of the loss of ethics as an orientation and of their powerlessness in enjoying their existential freedom.

On Europe's Representation: A Symbolic Interpretation of Rejecting the Constitution

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (03) ◽  
pp. 551-555 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natascha Zowislo-Grünewald
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Identity ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constitutional Treaty ◽  
Symbolic Forms ◽  
The People ◽  
Beliefs And Values ◽  
Written Form ◽  
Symbolic Interpretation

The lack of enthusiasm for the European Union and its proposed constitution among the European people surprised the political elite of Europe. Codifying common beliefs and values seemed to be a good way to represent the European identity in written form. The signing of the constitutional treaty should have become an important symbolic act, demonstrating the willingness of the people to bond together. Instead, a so-called Reform Treaty was passed in Lisbon in 2007 (to be ratified by all member states by 2009) that specifically abandoned any allusion to symbolic forms of European representation such as the termconstitution, the flag, or a European anthem.

‘What I would say to John and everyone like John is ...’: The construction of ordinariness through quotations in mediated political discourse

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (5) ◽  
pp. 495-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anita Fetzer ◽  
Elda Weizman
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Discursive Construction ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status

This article examines the discursive construction of ordinariness in the context of mediated political discourse, considering in particular contexts, in which ‘non-ordinary speakers’ quote ordinary people, bring them into the mediated public arena and assign them and their quoted contributions the status of an object of talk, and in which ‘ordinary speakers’ follow up on the ‘brought-in-ordinariness’. The contexts under investigation are Prime Minister’s Questions (PMQs) transmitted in the social media and commenters’ posts on the exchanges between the Prime Minister’s and Leader of the Opposition’s bringing-in-ordinariness. The Prime Minister and Leader of the Opposition treat the ‘brought-in-ordinariness’ in an ordinary manner by naming quoter and quoted and providing responses to the quoted questions while accommodating the political elite in their contributions; some of the ordinary commenters take up the ‘brought-in-ordinariness’ by negotiating its perlocutionary effects with evaluative metacomments. The ‘brought-in-ordinariness’ receives various kinds of uptakes, ranging from enthusiastic responses hailing true democracy to negative responses criticizing the non-professional manner of doing politics.

Sharp rise in vaccine hesitancy in a large and representative sample of the French population: reasons for vaccine hesitancy.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Sophie Hacquin ◽  
Sacha Altay ◽  
Emma de Araujo ◽  
Coralie Chevallier ◽  
Hugo Mercier
Keyword(s):  
At Risk ◽  
Educational Level ◽  
Representative Sample ◽  
Vaccine Hesitancy ◽  
The Political ◽  
French Population ◽  
Sharp Rise ◽  
Vaccine Refusal ◽  
French People ◽  
Nationally Representative

A safe and effective COVID-19 vaccine is our only hope to decisively stop the spread of the SARS-CoV-2. But a vaccine will only be fully effective if a significant share of the population agrees to get it. Five consecutive surveys of a large, nationally representative sample (N = 1000 for each wave) surveyed attitudes towards a future COVID-19 vaccine in France from May 2020 to October 2020. We found that COVID-19 vaccine refusal has steadily increased, reaching an all-time high with only 23% of participants willing to probably or certainly take a future COVID-19 vaccine in September 2020. Vaccine hesitant individuals are more likely to be women, young, less educated, to vote at the political extremes, to be dissatisfied with the government’s response to the COVID-19 crisis, and to feel less at risk of COVID-19. The reasons why French people would refuse to take the COVID-19 vaccine are similar to those offered for other vaccines, and these reasons are strikingly stable across gender, age and educational level. Finally, most French people declare they would not take the vaccine as soon as possible but would instead rather wait or not take it at all.

The Gallic Singularity and the Royal Mistress

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-66
Author(s):  
Christine Adams
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marie Antoinette ◽  
Louis Xvi ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Political Realm

The relationship of the French king and royal mistress, complementary but unequal, embodied the Gallic singularity; the royal mistress exercised a civilizing manner and the soft power of women on the king’s behalf. However, both her contemporaries and nineteenth- and early twentieth-century historians were uncomfortable with the mistress’s political power. Furthermore, paradoxical attitudes about French womanhood have led to analyses of her role that are often contradictory. Royal mistresses have simultaneously been celebrated for their civilizing effect in the realm of culture, chided for their frivolous expenditures on clothing and jewelry, and excoriated for their dangerous meddling in politics. Their increasing visibility in the political realm by the eighteenth century led many to blame Louis XV’s mistresses—along with Queen Marie-Antoinette, who exercised a similar influence over her husband, Louis XVI—for the degradation and eventual fall of the monarchy. This article reexamines the historiography of the royal mistress.

(Anamnesis) Revolting Bodies: “Le Forgeron” and the Poetry of the Past

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert St. Clair
Keyword(s):  
Victor Hugo ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Past ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
Louis Xvi

weChapter 4 takes up the question of poetry and engagement at its most explicit and complex in Rimbaud, focusing on a long, historical epic entitled “Le Forgeron.” We read this poem, which recreates and re-imagines a confrontation between the People in revolt and Louis XVI in the summer of 1792, as Rimbaud’s attempt to add a revolutionary supplement to the counter-epics modeled by Victor Hugo in Châtiments. Chapter 4 shows how Rimbaud’s “Forgeron” challenges us to examine the ways in which a poem might seek “to enjamb” the caesura between poiesis and praxis by including and complicating revolutionary (counter)history into its folds in order to implicate itself in the political struggles of its time.

Traditionalism and politics: A case study of Northern Nigeria

1967 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 509-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. J. O. Dudley
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Local Government ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
High Time ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Nigeria ◽  
The North ◽  
The Right

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.

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