scholarly journals The Kurds in the Turkish–Armenian Reconciliation Process: Double-Bind or Double-Blind?

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 807-812 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bilgin Ayata

A century after the Armenian Genocide and its ongoing denial by the Turkish state, there has emerged a notable and unprecedented interest in the Armenian past and present both in civil society discourse and scholarship in Turkey, accompanied by various reconciliation iniatives at the state and society levels. Observers have suggested that this increased engagement with Turkey's suppressed past is an outcome of its EU candidacy, the democratization reforms of the early 2000s, and the shockwave among liberal segments of Turkish society caused by the 2007 assassination of Armenian journalist Hrant Dink. I argue that this shortsighted analysis, which completely ignores the Kurdish movement's transformative challenge to Turkish denialism since the 1980s, echoes the key fallacy of present discussions of Turkey's engagement with its past: compartmentalization and disjunction of interlinked state crimes.

1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
John S. Dryzek

Once universal adult citizenship rights have been secured in a society, democratization is mostly a matter of the more authentic political inclusion of different groups and categories, for which formal political equality can hide continued exclusion or oppression. It is important, however, to distinguish between inclusion in the state and inclusion in the polity more generally. Democratic theorists who advocate a strategy of progressive inclusion of as many groups as possible in the state fail to recognize that the conditions for authentic as opposed to symbolic inclusion are quite demanding. History shows that benign inclusion in the state is possible only when (a) a group's defining concern can be assimilated to an established or emerging state imperative, and (b) civil society is not unduly depleted by the group's entry into the state. Absent such conditions, oppositional civil society may be a better focus for democratization than is the state. A flourishing oppositional sphere, and therefore the conditions for democratization itself, may actually be facilitated by a passively exclusive state, the main contemporary form of which is corporatism. Benign inclusion in the state can sometimes occur, but any such move should also produce exclusions that both facilitate future democratization and guard against any reversal of democratic commitment in state and society. These considerations have substantial implications for the strategic choices of social movements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 152-161
Author(s):  
Alisher Muminov

Currently, the special importance of social partnership is acknowledged as an effective mechanism for involving the general public in participation in the socio-political, socio-economic and cultural life of the country in Uzbekistan. In this regard, the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Sh.Mirziyoyev pointed out the need for consistent implementation: “the principle of mutual responsibility of citizens, the state and society, the connection of their rights and obligations. This principle serves as the basis for effective interaction between the state and the individual, the state and civil society in solving the important tasks facing our country. This article is devoted to the analysis of reforms aimed at the development of social partnership in Uzbekistan.


1996 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ümit Cizre Sakallıoğlu

The role of conflict has been integral to the state and nation formation in Turkey since the inception of the Republic in 1923. Faced with the twin tasks of democratic legitimacy and maintaining control, or security and civil-centered politics, the state has historically opted for authority and control. Ironically enough, while Republican politics has emphasized unity and uniformity to limit diversity and conflict caused by class, ethnicity and Islam, the result has been the opposite. So much so that the present conflict between the state and the Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), which has cost nearly fourteen thousand lives since 1984, has reached an abysmal point: “in the end Turkey's victory may be a Pyrrhic one. If the conflict continues without exploration of other avenues, it will most likely jeopardize Turkey's relations with Europe and the United States” (Brown 1995, p. 128). Moreover, it has become increasingly clear that Kurdish nationalism is not just a simple expression of discontent and opposition but also a challenge to the very premises on which the Turkish nation-state has been built. In that sense, the resolution of the Kurdish “problem” is of concern not only to the Kurdish population of the Republic, but involves the future shape and substance of the Turkish state and society in their entirety as well.


2021 ◽  
pp. 227-236 ◽  
Author(s):  
Volodymyr PERZHUN

Today, Ukraine is in dire need of changes and reforms that would lead to the optimization and effective management of society and the state. One of such important reforms is the transition from state to public management, and further improvement of the foundations and principles of public management. In the management of the state, where complex processes of transition to public management are taking place, there have always been advanced trends of deepening and expanding publicity in the activities of government institutions. This is the path taken by the "old" countries of Western democracy, as well as the countries of the post-socialist camp, the Baltic republics, which today have successfully joined the EU. Ukraine must follow this path if it tries to become a civilized part of the world. Hence, the system of state management should change dramatically, when the most appropriate in the management structure is an organic combination and effective interaction of public government and local self-government. Even more, the efficiency of civil society itself in the management of public affairs and state structures of power is growing. Socio-economic development and social-power relations at the present stage are already experiencing more and more new changes, both positive and negative. They are becoming very important for the state and society. Being complex and ambiguous, such developments and relations require introduction at the legislative and political levels of new governance systems and structures, which would involve mandatory involvement of the most active representatives of civil society in governance. Note that the period of transition to public management is complex, full of various management problems, requires time and competence of politicians, government, NGOs and more. It is evolutionary in nature, when publicity in governance must develop, and representatives of the branches of government will try to solve the problem of governing the state and society competently, transparently, responsibly, flexibly, openly, socially justly, effectively for the benefit of man as the main social capital.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 801-806 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seyhan Bayraktar

The existing literature on the denial of the Armenian Genocide of 1915 tends to concentrate on either the Turkish state's political practices or civil society's increasing openness to alternative readings of the event. I argue that both approaches reduce denialism to the political practices and defense mechanisms of Turkey by prioritizing the state as the sole agent of genocide denial. Although the state is indeed a dominant actor of denialism, to juxtapose state and society is to overlook the power that rests in the discourse itself and its pervasiveness across different—at times even competing—social and political settings.


1998 ◽  
Vol 18 ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yael Navaro-Yashin

The categories of “state” and “civil society” have too often been used as oppositional terms in the social sciences and in public discourse. This article aims to problematize the concepts of “state” and “civil society” when perceived as separate and distinct entities in the discourses of social scientists as well as of members of contemporary social movements in Turkey. Rather than readily using state and society as analytical categories referring to essential domains of sociality, the purpose is to transform these very categories into objects of ethnographic study. There has been a proliferation of discourse on “the state” and “the civil society” in Turkey in the 1980s and 1990s. This article emerges out of an observation of the peculiar coalescence of social scientific and public usages of these terms in this period. It aims to radically relativize and to historically contextualize these terms through a close ethnographic study of the various political domains in which they have been discursively employed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Monica Piccolo Almeida

Este artigo propõe-se a analisar em uma perspectiva crítica as principais concepções que predominam na literatura especializada acerca do Estado Brasileiro no limiar dos anos 1990. Toma como objeto de investigação as diversas interpretações construídas sobre algumas temáticas que marcaram a meteórica trajetória de Fernando Collor de Mello rumo a presidência da República. Serão assim analisadas algumas das mais importantes obras que têm como tema o Governo Collor na tentativa de mapear a concepção de Estado que predomina em cada obra. Parte-se da hipótese de que é hegemônica entre os analistas a concepção do Estado brasileiro nos primeiros anos de 1990 como Estado-Sujeito que paira acima de uma Sociedade Civil amorfa, passiva. A vertente explicativa aqui defendida, em uma perspectiva diferenciada e sustentada no arcabouço teórico gramsciniano, sustenta que as relações entre Estado e Sociedade devem ser problematizadas e desnaturalizadas. O modelo de Estado que se forjou, então, não é fruto, unicamente, dos interesses de uma única classe. Ele é visto enquanto relação social e fruto de conflitos entre sujeitos coletivos organizados a partir da sociedade civil e profundamente marcado pelos esforços de transformação do discurso e das práticas neoliberais em hegemônicosPalavras-chave: Estado. Neoliberalismo. Governo Collor. BRAZILIAN STATE ON THE BEGINNING OF THE YEARS 1990: Object-State or Subject-State ?Abstract: This paper aims to examine in a critical perspective the main conceptions that predominate in the specialized literature on the State on the threshold of the years 1990. The object of research are the various interpretations built on some thematic that marked the meteoric career of Fernando Collor de Mello into the Presidency of the Republic Some of the most important works that have as theme Collor's Government are analyzed in an attempt to map the conception that predominates in each work. Considering the hypothesis that it is hegemonic, among analysts, the conception of Brazilian State in the early years of 1990 as asubject State that hangs above an amorphous, Civil society. The explanatory section here defended, in a different perspective and sustained in the Gramscian theory, maintains that the relationship between the State and society must be raised and not naturalized. The State model that was forged, so it is not the result only of the interests of a single class. It is seen as a social relation and the result of conflicts among organized collective subjects from civil society and deeply marked by the speech transformation efforts and neoliberal hegemonic practices.Keywords: State. Neoliberalism. Collor's Government.ESTADO BRASILEÑO EN EL UMBRAL DE LOS AÑOS 1990: ¿Estado Cosa o Estado Sujeto?Resumen: Este trabajo se propone examinar en una perspectiva crítica los conceptos principales que predominan en la literatura especializada sobre el estado en el umbral de los años 1990. Tiene por objeto de investigación las diversas interpretaciones construidas sobre algunas temáticas que marcaron la carrera meteórica de Fernando Collor de Mello en la Presidencia de la República. Por lo tanto serán analizadas algunas de las obras más importantes que tienen como tema el gobierno de Collor, en un intento de mapear la concepción que predomina en cada obra. Se basa en la hipótesis que es hegemónica entre los analistas es el diseño del estado brasileño en los primeros años de 1990 como un estado de sujeto suspendido encima de una Sociedad Civil, amorfa. La sección explicativa aquí defendida, en una perspectiva diferente y sostenido en el teórico gramsciano, mantiene que la relación entre el estado y la sociedad debe plantearse como problematizadas y desnaturalizadas. El modelo de estado que forjó, así por lo tanto, no es el resultado sólo de los intereses de una sola clase. Él es visto como una relación social y el resultado de conflictos entre tema organizado colectivos de la sociedad civil y profundamente marcada por las actividades de procesamiento de voz y neoliberal hegemónico en prácticas.Palabras clave: Estado. Neoliberalismo. Collor gobierno.


2020 ◽  
pp. 210-225
Author(s):  
Olha Vysotska

The relevance of the article is due to the need to understand the evolution of understanding the essence of the communicative policy of the state as a key tool for its interaction with society. The communicative policy of the state plays a key role in the development of general strategies for social development, influences the formation of public opinion, the nature of regulation of political processes, and the specifics of building communication between the state and society. The study of the transformation of communication policy concepts is also determined by the need to significantly improve the methodological aspects of building models of relations between the state and society in order to achieve the goals and implement the functions of state policy, taking into account the goals and interests of society. The study of the communicative policy of the state has a long history, starting from antiquity and ending with the present. The main focus of consideration of this issue is to determine the relationship between the state and society, as well as communication tools for establishing links between them. The solution of theoretical and applied issues of communication between the state and society concerns changes in the sphere of building state institutions and civil society. The communicative policy of the state can be described as a complex system of communication between the state and society, the purpose of which is to achieve a balance between the state-political and socio-humanitarian interests of the parties. The main trend in understanding the essence of the state’s communicative policy is the transition from a controlling model of relations between the state and society to a consensus one, understanding communication tools as basic conditions for combining state-political and socially-oriented goals of state policy. An effective model of the state’s communicative policy is thus possible only in conditions of transparent and democratic relations between the state and civil society.


Author(s):  
Olena I. Kravchenko ◽  
Oksana S. Dudchenko ◽  
Iryna S. Kunenko ◽  
Oleksandr Spodynskyi ◽  
Oksana V. Deliia

The aim of this study was a holistic analysis of aspects of expanding the interaction between the state and civil society on the example of the experience of foreign countries, namely Austria, Belgium, France, Italy, and Poland. The research involves such methods as sociological analysis, systemic and case study methods, structural and comparative methods, as well as the dialectical method. The factors of expanding the interaction of the judiciary as a representative of the state, which protects the rights and interests of civil society, were identified in accordance with the results of the study. As a result, conclusions were drawn on the need for the judiciary, as a representative of the state, to use methods to expand the interaction between the state and society, in the person of every citizen. The use of those factors in relation to such interaction will further help increase public confidence in the state, which will ensure effective protection of the rights and interests of society.


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