Political Mobilisation for Development in Guinea-Bissau

1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Rudebeck

In a recent theoretical essay I tried to demonstrate, among other things, the crucial importance of politics in any effort to overcome the underdevelopment of our own historical period; and I hope I have also shown how different kinds of political systems may be assumed to interact with various kinds of development strategies.1 The most hopeful combination is where a dynamic political interaction is established between the developmental needs and aspirations of the masses, and a consciously applied strategy of challenge to the social, political, and economic status quo of underdevelopment. It is surely an important task of political science to attempt to define the conditions under which such a mobilising interaction may be established and sustained. They are probably minimal conditions of development for any Third-World nation in the predominantly capitalist international system.

1974 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Lalive d'Epinay ◽  
Jacques Zylberberg

The multiple forms of the religious phenomenon and its cosmologies have often been pointed out. The social role of a religion can never be defined once and for all. The role played by religion as an agent for social protest and awareness or as a factor of the status quo must be made explicit for each historical period and specific social group. How are the religions in Chili situated between these functions of alienation and awareness ? The authors of this article examine the positions of Indian animism, Catholicism and Protestantism and outline the complex relationships exist ing between the nation, classes, social groups, and religious behavior in Chili.


2021 ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
O. Tsapko

The article gives a general description of the phenomenon of populism and political demagoguery through the prism of their historical development. The author pays special attention to the disclosure of the essence of the concepts of “populism” and “political demagoguery”, while defining their common features and differences. In particular, it is noted that despite their outward resemblance, populism and demagoguery are not identical. Thus, populism provides a much less negative way of gaining popularity among the masses than demagoguery, because demagogues speculate on the real problems of their audience, present events, views of the opponent in a false light, resort to falsification of facts. In modern political practice, populism is a much more complex and ambiguous phenomenon, and demagoguery is only one of its many tools and strategies. In this aspect, the concept of “politicking” is close in meaning, which, along with demagoguery, is one of the negative manifestations of populism. The article also makes one of the first attempts to identify the main periods of historical development of populism and political demagoguery, while determining the main directions of their evolution. At the same time, examining populism and political demagoguery in historical retrospect, we can also conclude that the objective conditions for the emergence of these socio-political phenomena were related to the social trend, according to which the masses are only the object of politics. Subjective preconditions for the emergence and spread of populism are caused by the imperfection of the relationship “domination – subordination”, the dominance of mass society. In general, the study concludes that the functioning and prevalence of populism and political demagoguery in modern political systems is characterized by its determinism of cultural, historical, political characteristics of countries.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-480
Author(s):  
Hermes Moreira Jr.

A concepção de uma disciplina acadêmica sistematizada para o estudo das relações internacionais se deu atrelada à necessidade de criação de um arcabouço teórico para a compreensão da dinâmica do sistema internacional e das possibilidades de mudança ou estabilidade da ordem política nesse sistema. Nesse sentido, o objetivo deste texto é demonstrar em que medida as teorias do chamado mainstream acadêmico, tradicionais na análise da política internacional, ao naturalizar a conformação da ordem política internacional e minimizar o papel das disputas entre as forças sociais na constituição das relações internacionais, exercem um papel favorável à manutenção da ordem hegemônica e conservação do status quo. Não obstante, perspectivas contestatórias reconheceram e evidenciaram os limites das teorias do mainstream e preencheram a lacuna político-acadêmica contida nas teorias tradicionais de Relações Internacionais ao longo do desenvolvimento de seu campo acadêmico e institucional. Abstract: The design of an academic discipline for the systematic study of international relations occurred tied to the need to establish a theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of the international system and the possibilities for change or stability of the political order in this system. Accordingly, this paper aims to demonstrate the extent to which the so-called mainstream academic theories, traditional analysis of international politics, to naturalize the conformation of the international political order and minimize the role of the disputes between the social forces in the constitution of international relations, play a role in favor of maintaining the hegemonic order and preserving the status quo. Nevertheless, prospects contesting recognized and showed the limits of the mainstream theories and filled the political and academic gap contained in traditional theories of international relations during the development of their academic and institutional concepts. 


2015 ◽  
Vol 49 (01n02) ◽  
pp. 3-14
Author(s):  
SEEMA SHARMA

This paper highlights the process of supervision that aims to developing critical thinking amongst social work students by consciously creating spaces for them, so as to enable them to reflect upon their own position and the social context within which the individuals, groups and societies exist. It is hoped that the paper will generate debate as well as a critical and constructive evaluation of the role of supervision in the context of third world countries, which face the problem of structural inequality in their societies. The paper is also expected to provide insights for fieldwork supervisors who may wish to challenge their students to question the existing status quo in the society. The paper is based entirely on the author's experiences as a field work supervisor, her observations and discussions with students during individual conferences, group meetings, community field visits and through fieldwork reports of the students.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan-Erik Lönnqvist ◽  
Zsolt Péter Szabó ◽  
László Kelemen

The authoritarian personality is characterized by unquestionining obedience and respect to authority. System justification theory (SJT) argues that people are motivated to defend, bolster, and justify aspects of existing social, economic, and political systems. Commitment to the status quo is also a key characteristic of the authoritarian personality. It can be argued that the social context matters for how an underlying latent authoritarian character is expressed. This means that authoritarian regimes could be expected to lead to increased authoritarianism and stronger system-justification. We investigated this hypothesis in two representative samples of Hungarians, collected before (2010) and after (2018) 8 years of Fidesz’ rule (N = 1,000 in both samples). Moreover, the strong version of SJT argues that members of disadvantaged groups are likely to experience the most cognitive dissonance and that the need to reduce this dissonance makes them the most supportive of the status quo. This argument dovetails nicely with claims made by the political opposition to Fidesz, according to which Fidesz is especially popular among low-status members of society. We found that measures assessing authoritarian tendencies did not change between 2010 and 2018. However, more specific beliefs and attitudes did change, and these effects were especially pronounced among Fidesz supporters. Their belief in a just world and a just system has grown stronger, while their attitudes toward migrants had hardened. Low status was associated with lower levels of system-justifying ideologies. However, low status Fidesz voters justified the system more than high status opposition voters in 2018, lending some support for the strong version of SJT. Our results suggest that beliefs and attitudes of Hungarians have changed between 2010 and 2018, and that political leadership played a crucial role in this.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 668-677
Author(s):  
Alina Szczurek-Boruta

Based on two studies carried out in the school years 2003/2004 and 2016/2017, this article looks into what knowledge and research experience young Poles have concerning education and the social participation of Polish youngsters. Referring to Robert Havighurst’s concept of developmental tasks and Jerzy Modrzewski’s concept of social participation, the author of the current paper shows Polish youth to be deficient in knowledge of how to fulfil life’s tasks and participate in society, and of the duties of education in the field of shaping and activating social and public engagement. These deficiencies show that the Polish school system is dominated by education detached from practice and that learners are not prepared for undertaking adult social roles through active participation in public life. This lack results from a process of legitimizing, which ensures ‘the loyalty of the masses’ and perpetuates existing cultural patterns without co-participation in social or public life. The ensuing analysis provides educators with knowledge of the developmental needs of Polish youth, makes the numerous determinants of developmental tasks more transparent, and allows for specifying the results of socialization processes (including educational socialization).


The present work, The Struggle of My Life: An Autobiography of Swami Sahajanand Saraswati, is an English translation of Sahajanand’s autobiography, written in Hindi, Mera Jeevan Sangarsh. It carries an introduction by the translator which briefly deals with the Swami’s life and legacy. It needs to be emphasized that this is not an autobiography in the common run. Its primary focus is not on Swami’s persona; its central theme is the cause of the freedom movement in general and in particular, of the peasant movement under his leadership. It tells of the life and legacy of one of the most uncompromising and fearless freedom fighters and peasant leaders. It covers the social and political history of one of the most crucial periods of our national life, 1920–47. Today, when the Indian peasantry is faced with a number of intractable problems, it reminds them of the struggles of the peasants of yesteryears and the kind of trials and tribulations they went through. It is also remarkable that despite his vast learning and command over Sanskrit, Swami chose to write in simple, colloquial Hindi. That only speaks for his total identification with the masses. Both the teaching and student community as well as general readers would find this book useful, interesting and intellectually stimulating.


1997 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 39-53
Author(s):  
Marcelo Lopes de Souza

Governability is quite ofien used as an "umbrella concept", under which both the capacity of governance (manner in which power is exercised in the management of a territory) and the governability in the strict sense of the word (acceptation of the social and political status quo by the people) are subsumed. The first part of this article underlies the difference between these two concepts The second part examines facts in relation to governance and governability problems in Rio de Janeiro, and discusses some ideologically generated current exaggerations about the governability crisis in this metropolis, as suggested by the experience of the 1980s and 1990s.


Author(s):  
Elena A. Kranzeeva ◽  
◽  
Evgeny V. Golovatsky ◽  
Anna V. Orlova ◽  
◽  
...  

The relevance of the study is associated with the speed of modern sociopolitical processes in the territories, the emergence of new participants and tools for achieving their own and collective interests. The aim of the article is to describe the real urban processes of sociopolitical interaction in the conditions of reactive relations, taking into account the interests and positions of the participants, the content and dynamics of interaction. The methodological basis of the study is the concept of social action and power relations by M. Weber, the concept of resources by A. Giddens, research works by L.L. Shpak, who considers interaction in the aggregate of regional everyday sociopolitical practices. The article proposes a framework for the study of rapid reactive actions and relationships that can significantly accelerate the flow of social and political interactions. The analysis of reactive relations, the dynamics of the nature of social and political interaction on the scale of the urban space, as well as confirmation of signs of reactivity of relations, is based on the analysis of two cases of Kemerovo related to the improvement of the urban space, demonstrating at the same time the practice of social and political communications. For the Statue of Saint Barbara case, the method of content analysis is used to study the Internet audience; the method allows analyzing the density and coherence of information communications taking into account the inclusion and/or belonging of users in relation to the analyzed data. The use of the method of analyzing event data in the media (event analysis) for the Lazurny case illustrates the dynamics of social and political interaction. As a result, it has been revealed that, in the context of new reactive relations, the communicative potential of ordinary users (citizens) grows in the social and political interaction of a city or a certain territory. The practices of social interaction considered in the article are replenished from the implementation of innovative projects within the framework of urban communities. An important role is played by the constantly changing conditions for the transmission and accumulation of information significant in the urban space, as well as by the activity resource – active drivers of modern communication. The prospect of further research is the search for new tools and indicators of a new quality of social and political interaction in the context of reactive relations


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