scholarly journals Historical Retrospective of the Phenomenon of Populism and Political Demagogy

2021 ◽  
pp. 10-23
Author(s):  
O. Tsapko

The article gives a general description of the phenomenon of populism and political demagoguery through the prism of their historical development. The author pays special attention to the disclosure of the essence of the concepts of “populism” and “political demagoguery”, while defining their common features and differences. In particular, it is noted that despite their outward resemblance, populism and demagoguery are not identical. Thus, populism provides a much less negative way of gaining popularity among the masses than demagoguery, because demagogues speculate on the real problems of their audience, present events, views of the opponent in a false light, resort to falsification of facts. In modern political practice, populism is a much more complex and ambiguous phenomenon, and demagoguery is only one of its many tools and strategies. In this aspect, the concept of “politicking” is close in meaning, which, along with demagoguery, is one of the negative manifestations of populism. The article also makes one of the first attempts to identify the main periods of historical development of populism and political demagoguery, while determining the main directions of their evolution. At the same time, examining populism and political demagoguery in historical retrospect, we can also conclude that the objective conditions for the emergence of these socio-political phenomena were related to the social trend, according to which the masses are only the object of politics. Subjective preconditions for the emergence and spread of populism are caused by the imperfection of the relationship “domination – subordination”, the dominance of mass society. In general, the study concludes that the functioning and prevalence of populism and political demagoguery in modern political systems is characterized by its determinism of cultural, historical, political characteristics of countries.

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-272
Author(s):  
Jacek Kaczor

The article presents two figures of mass society that emerged in the twentieth century. The former revealed itself in the era of totalitarianism, while the latter resulted in the emergence of a consumer society. Neither of these figures are a necessary consequence of the processes leading to the rise of the masses as a social phenomenon. They have been created as a result of specific historical conditions. Consequently, mass society can take on any of these forms. They are also not disjoint, which means that authoritarian attitudes and consumer behavior can occur simultaneously. The relationship between the described attitudes adopted by the mass man occurs at the level of their attitude to freedom and democratic institutions. Modernity has resulted in the fact that the individual cannot cope with the freedom they gained as a result of being freed from tradition and religion. If they cannot free themselves an authority to show them how to live. This authority may also be of a group nature. Belonging to a specific community gives an individual a sense of bond and security. Freedom in a consumer society is primarily the freedom to choose consumer goods. In any case, democracy is not a valued form of managing society. Before the rise of totalitarianism, it did not ensure sufficient coherence and a sense of participation. At the same time, in the consumer society, its basic procedures began to trivialize and become part of marketing mechanisms.


Author(s):  
Sarah Harper

It is increasingly recognized that population change plays a key role in our political systems, economies, and societies at the local, national, regional, and global level. ‘Demography is destiny … or not’ explains that demography has at its core the notion of drivers of population change—mortality, fertility, and migration—and how these then interact to change populations. Contemporary demography is divided into three separate areas of study: the characteristics of past or current populations, with regard to their size and make-up; the different demographic drivers that directly influence this composition, primarily fertility, mortality, and migration; and the relationship between these static characteristics and dynamic processes and the social, economic, and cultural environments within which they interact.


2015 ◽  
pp. 101-122
Author(s):  
Artur Kotowski

The paper presents the theory of legal system polycentricism from a new perspective, i.e. the one integrating essentially contradictory concepts which explain this phenomenon in the context of the Polish jurisprudence. Apart from attempting to establish “common features” of these well-known concepts explaining the essence of polycentricism in the legal field, the presented point of view pertains to defining the relationship between the phenomenon of polycentricism from the legal discourse theory perspective and the Luhmann’s systems theory. The paper aims to prove the thesis that at present the legal system is internally taking on (transforming into) the heterogeneous type of internal structure due to interaction with already polycentric non-juristic domain, i.e. the social one.


1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lars Rudebeck

In a recent theoretical essay I tried to demonstrate, among other things, the crucial importance of politics in any effort to overcome the underdevelopment of our own historical period; and I hope I have also shown how different kinds of political systems may be assumed to interact with various kinds of development strategies.1 The most hopeful combination is where a dynamic political interaction is established between the developmental needs and aspirations of the masses, and a consciously applied strategy of challenge to the social, political, and economic status quo of underdevelopment. It is surely an important task of political science to attempt to define the conditions under which such a mobilising interaction may be established and sustained. They are probably minimal conditions of development for any Third-World nation in the predominantly capitalist international system.


1986 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 627-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kaja Finkler

Using field data from Mexican Spiritualist healing, this article focuses on the relationship between treatment outcomes at the individual and social levels. Two issues are explored 1) to what degree do persons treated by Spiritualist healing techniques fit into the wider society of which they are part, and 2) what effects does a given healing system exert on socioeconomic and political arrangements? The discussion brings into bold relief the contradictions embedded in Spiritualist healing techniques and rituals when studied from micro and macro perspectives. Using physiological and social analysis, the author addresses the reasons why individuals participate in Spiritualist healing and rituals, despite the resultant reproduction of socioeconomic and political forms that are contrary to the participants' concerns and interests and that may also be illness producing. By way of conclusion, it is suggested that, on a macro level, healing systems of the Spiritualist kind tend to perpetuate the socioeconomic and political systems.


Author(s):  
Malte Thießen

In my essay I will trace the connections between vaccination and education using examples of German history from the 19th and 20th centuries. Germany did not take a special path (Sonderweg), as one might have assumed given its historical development and the five different political systems. Rather, it is a typical example of the European political approach to vaccination. These form the background for my initial questions: what was the relationship between social order and vaccination programmes and what role did schools and educational models play in vaccination programmes? It is demonstrated that schools played a major role in both in the enforcement of compulsory vaccination and the establishment of vaccination education.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 353-364
Author(s):  
Miriam Aparicio

This article analyzes the social representations related to the working world that groups of PhDs and PhD students who belong to French and Argentine institutions in the same disciplinary fields have (2005-2009; 2009-2014). At the methodological level, we have used a specific qualitative technique, hierarchical evocation. This has allowed us to observe how the actors themselves, in their own words, view the process of professional insertion in the workplace, promotion, preservation of human resources, and the growing uncertainty, among other issues, associated with the working world. Likewise, we have been able to capture their projections for the future and their professional expectations, as well as the impact these processes have on their pathways and identities, which many times are fragile and exist on unstable stages, stages where nationalization, liberalism and the socio-political and economic crisis are leaving their mark. To this general framework, we must add other aspects such as the effects of university for the masses on employment, the saturation of degree-holders and, at the same time, the devaluation of degrees, and their background effects. Our results show “contextualized” similarities and differences between the groups. The relationship between individual/context/individual, as well as the “back and forth” between the micro, meso and macro levels, clearly emerge from our comprehensive sui generis systemic perspective, The Three Dimensional Spiral of Sense (Aparicio, 2012, 2015 a, b).


1966 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jerzy J. Wjatr ◽  
Adam Przeworski

The historical development of western civilization has produced several patterns of political opposition deeply rooted and relatively well established in the political systems. This opposition is usually identified with the control of the governed over the government : it is maintained that opposition is at the same time a sufficient and a necessary condition for the existence of such control. Opposition, as the term is commonly used, has the following characteristics : (a) it is political; (b) it is institutionalized in the form of a party or parties; and (c) it is often said that it is also ‘responsible’, i.e., it does not extend to obstruction of the government's actions. In order to define more precisely the relationship between opposition and control, we must ask two questions of a more specific nature: (i) is opposition a sufficient condition for effective control? And (ii) is it a condition sine qua non for any kind of political control? In spite of some ideological assertions, it seems clear that the answers to both questions are negative. Since the problem of opposition in the two- and multiparty systems is discussed elsewhere, we shall focus here on those mechanisms of control which present an alternative to opposition as institutionalized in the party system.


1947 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 55-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. R. Dodds

The last half-century has seen a remarkable advance in our knowledge of the magical beliefs and practices of later antiquity. But in comparison with this general progress the special branch of magic known as theurgy has been relatively neglected and is still imperfectly understood. The first step towards understanding it was taken more than fifty years ago by Wilhelm Kroll, when he collected and discussed the fragments of the Chaldaean Oracles. Since then the late Professor Joseph Bidez has disinterred and explained a number of interesting Byzantine texts, mainly from Psellus, which appear to derive from Proclus' lost commentary on the Chaldaean Oracles, perhaps through the work of Proclus' Christian opponent, Procopius of Gaza; and Hopfner and Eitrem have made valuable contributions, especially in calling attention to the many common features linking theurgy with the Greco-Egyptian magic of the papyri. But much is still obscure, and is likely to remain so until the scattered texts bearing on theurgy have been collected and studied as a whole (a task which Bidez seems to have contemplated, but left unaccomplished at his death). The present paper does not aim at completeness, still less at finality, but only at (i) clarifying the relationship between Neoplatonism and theurgy in their historical development, and (ii) examining the actual modus operandi in what seem to have been the two main branches of theurgy.


1996 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Carabine

This article argues that there is a lack of theorizing about sexuality within social policy in what is referred to as the mainstream and more surprisingly within feminist social policy. This is particularly surprising given the presence of sexuality in recent as well as past social policies as well as in social theory. The purpose of this article is not merely to argue that a relationship between sexuality and social policy should be examined but rather to explore and outline the specific nature of the relationship and its implications for both sexuality and the discipline of social policy. Specifically, how do prevalent sexuality discourses inform and constitute social policy and what are the social relations involved in this process? Correspondingly, what role does social policy play in constituting what we know to be the ‘truths’ of sexuality? What exclusions and inclusions result from these dominant social relations and discourses when ‘played’ through social policy? That sexuality has failed to be analytically incorporated within the discipline of social policy is addressed. First, reasons for the lack of theorizing are explored. Specifically, the historical development of the discipline and the formation of an implicit consensus about what constitute the real concerns of welfare. Second, there is an examination of the ways feminist social policy has or has not engaged with sexuality. The final section posits an emergent framework for integrating sexuality into social policy analyses and critiques.


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