scholarly journals Contestando a “Ciência Social Norte-Americana”: críticas à postura conservadora das teorias do mainstream das Relações Internacionais / Disputing the "American Social Science": critical to conservative stance of the mainstream theories of IR

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 448-480
Author(s):  
Hermes Moreira Jr.
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
Academic Discipline ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status

A concepção de uma disciplina acadêmica sistematizada para o estudo das relações internacionais se deu atrelada à necessidade de criação de um arcabouço teórico para a compreensão da dinâmica do sistema internacional e das possibilidades de mudança ou estabilidade da ordem política nesse sistema. Nesse sentido, o objetivo deste texto é demonstrar em que medida as teorias do chamado mainstream acadêmico, tradicionais na análise da política internacional, ao naturalizar a conformação da ordem política internacional e minimizar o papel das disputas entre as forças sociais na constituição das relações internacionais, exercem um papel favorável à manutenção da ordem hegemônica e conservação do status quo. Não obstante, perspectivas contestatórias reconheceram e evidenciaram os limites das teorias do mainstream e preencheram a lacuna político-acadêmica contida nas teorias tradicionais de Relações Internacionais ao longo do desenvolvimento de seu campo acadêmico e institucional. Abstract: The design of an academic discipline for the systematic study of international relations occurred tied to the need to establish a theoretical framework for understanding the dynamics of the international system and the possibilities for change or stability of the political order in this system. Accordingly, this paper aims to demonstrate the extent to which the so-called mainstream academic theories, traditional analysis of international politics, to naturalize the conformation of the international political order and minimize the role of the disputes between the social forces in the constitution of international relations, play a role in favor of maintaining the hegemonic order and preserving the status quo. Nevertheless, prospects contesting recognized and showed the limits of the mainstream theories and filled the political and academic gap contained in traditional theories of international relations during the development of their academic and institutional concepts. 

scholarly journals Platonic metaphysics and the ontology of international relations: a sketch

2021 ◽  
pp. 004711782110214
Author(s):  
King-Ho Leung
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Academic Discipline ◽  
World Order ◽  
Social World ◽  
Levels Of Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ir Theory ◽  
The Social ◽  
Human Individual

This article offers a reading of Plato in light of the recent debates concerning the unique ‘ontology’ of International Relations (IR) as an academic discipline. In particular, this article suggests that Plato’s metaphysical account of the integral connection between human individual, the domestic state and world order can offer IR an alternative outlook to the ‘political scientific’ schema of ‘levels of analysis’. This article argues that Plato’s metaphysical conception of world order can not only provide IR theory with a way to re-imagine the relation between the human, the state and world order. Moreover, Plato’s outlook can highlight or even call into question the post-metaphysical presuppositions of contemporary IR theory in its ‘borrowed ontology’ from modern social science, which can in turn facilitate IR’s re-interpretation of its own ‘ontology’ as well as its distinct contributions to the understanding of the various aspects of the social world and human life.

scholarly journals Gestation, equality and freedom: ectogenesis as a political perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Cavaliere
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Positive Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small Subset ◽  
Human Fetuses ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
Women's Equality ◽  
The Status ◽  
Limited Scope

The benefits of full ectogenesis, that is, the gestation of human fetuses outside the maternal womb, for women ground many contemporary authors’ arguments on the ethical desirability of this practice. In this paper, I present and assess two sets of arguments advanced in favour of ectogenesis: arguments stressing ectogenesis’ equality-promoting potential and arguments stressing its freedom-promoting potential. I argue that although successfully grounding a positive case for ectogenesis, these arguments have limitations in terms of their reach and scope. Concerning their limited reach, I contend that ectogenesis will likely benefit a small subset of women and, arguably, not the group who most need to achieve equality and freedom. Concerning their limited scope, I contend that these defences do not pay sufficient attention to the context in which ectogenesis would be developed and that, as a result, they risk leaving the status quo unchanged. After providing examples of these limitations, I move to my proposal concerning the role of ectogenesis in promoting women’s equality and freedom. This proposal builds on Silvia Federici’s, Mariarosa Dalla Costa’s and Selma James’ readings of the international feminist campaign ‘Wages for Housework’. It maintains that the political perspective and provocation that ectogenesis can advance should be considered and defended.

Social Imperialism and Wilhelmine Germany

1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Interpretive Scheme

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.

scholarly journals How Does a Thought Scream? The Possibility of the New as a Condition of Political Ontology in Gilles Deleuze’s The Time-Image

2020 ◽  
Vol 31 (5) ◽  
pp. 103-130
Keyword(s):  
Critical Distance ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Ontology ◽  
Cinema Studies ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Time Image ◽  
The Universe

The paper deals with Gilles Deleuze’s The Time-Image not as an essay on the philosophy of cinema but as a theory of political ontology. The meaning of the concept of “scream” must first be clarified. This concept appears in Deleuze’s lectures from 1980 in the context of the sequence of cinema, thought and shock from the second volume of his book Cinema. To indicate the immanent political significance of Deleuze’s cinema studies, the article clarifies the conceptual difference between two types of cinema. The distinction between “the movement-image” and “the time-image” is examined as ontological rather than aesthetic. In particular, the paper shows the conservative effects of “classic” cinema in the context of Henri Bergson’s ontology. The critical potential of modern cinema, which Deleuze considers in The Time-Image, is a condition for undermining the logic of “habit,” which is reproduced by the cinema of “the movement-image.” The condition for a break with this logic is the effect of shock, which is produced by the distinctive characteristics of modern cinema. Deleuze finds the political significance of modern cinema in the context of the possibility of the New which is not predetermined by previous conditions. The rupture with the status quo is ensured by contrasting two concepts of the Whole viewed either as the Open or as the Outside. The difference between them is examined in connection with the critical distance from the ontology of Henri Bergson, which is an imaginary solution of the problem of the New and therefore the problem of conservatism in the universe of “classic” cinema. In order to identify the political significance of “the image-time,” it is necessary to indicate the constitutive role of temporal rupture in modern cinema. It is this logic that provides the effect of shock for thought and allows it to break away from permanent repetition.

Liberalism and Security

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Owen IV
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International System ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Peace ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
International Interaction ◽  
The Individual

Liberalism has always been concerned with security, albeit the security of the individual; institutions, including the state, are all established and sustained by individuals and instrumental to their desires. Indeed, liberalism cannot be understood apart from its normative commitment to individualism. The tradition insists that all persons deserve, and it evaluates institutions according to how far they help individuals achieve these goals. Nor is liberalism anti-statist. Liberal theory has paid particular attention to the state as the institution defined by its ability to make individuals secure and aid their commodious living. Although liberal security literature that only examines individual states’ foreign policies may be guilty of denouncing the role of international interaction, the general liberal claim argues that the international system, under broad conditions, permits states choices. As such, for liberalism, states can choose over time to create and sustain international conditions under which they will be more or less secure. Liberalism’s history can be traced from the proto-liberalism in the Reformation to the emergence of the social contract theory and neo-theories, as well as liberalism’s focus on increasing security. Meanwhile, current debates in liberalism include the democratic peace and its progeny, reformulations of liberal international relations (IR) theory, and meta-theory. Ultimately, liberalism’s most striking recent successes concern the democratic peace and related research on democratic advantages in international cooperation. Liberalism is a useful guide to international security insofar as individuals and the groups they organize affect or erode states.

ABOUT THE CREATIVE ROLE OF N. NAZARBAYEV IN CREATING AN EFFECTIVE GOVERNANCE SYSTEM IN INDEPENDENT KAZAKHSTAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 7-14
Author(s):  
Tuleutai Suleimenov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The Political ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Governance System ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Effective Governance ◽  
The Status ◽  
Creative Role

Kazakhstan at the present stage has the status of a large regional state in the Eurasian space, plays an active role in the system of international relations, occupying a worthy place on the political map of the world. The strategy of independence of N. A. Nazarbayev formed the basis for the vision of modernizing modern Kazakhstani society and strengthening the independence of our country in the new world. The values ​​of our independence: multinationality of a single people, common national interests, education and science, demarcation of state borders, peaceful foreign policy.

Children of a Brazilian Favela

1981 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Coles
Keyword(s):  
Political Socialization ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
Role Of Religion

Robert Coles describes the political socialization of children in a Brazilian favela and how, in the midst of extreme deprivation, they place themselves in the social and political order of their country. He offers, in the children's own words, their acute understanding of the role of religion, the police, and the wealthy in shaping their existence, a"paradoxical combination of weary cynicism and fatuous optimism, and in between, a terrible apprehension of what, finally, must be."

Les religions au Chili entre l'aliénation et la prise de conscience

1974 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Lalive d'Epinay ◽  
Jacques Zylberberg
Keyword(s):  
Social Role ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
Multiple Forms ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
Complex Relationships

The multiple forms of the religious phenomenon and its cosmologies have often been pointed out. The social role of a religion can never be defined once and for all. The role played by religion as an agent for social protest and awareness or as a factor of the status quo must be made explicit for each historical period and specific social group. How are the religions in Chili situated between these functions of alienation and awareness ? The authors of this article examine the positions of Indian animism, Catholicism and Protestantism and outline the complex relationships exist ing between the nation, classes, social groups, and religious behavior in Chili.

Conservatives and “Renewed Russia,” 1907-1914

Slavic Review ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 762-786 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhail Loukianov
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Characteristic Feature ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Order ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Status ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

The article analyzes the relationship of conservatives to the political order that arose after the 1905 revolution. It suggests that by the start of World War I, a dissatisfaction with the status quo had become a characteristic feature of Russian conservatism. The archaic formula “orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality” was the quintessential conservative discourse, both for nationalist supporters of conservative reforms and for opponents of any innovation such as Dubrovin’s All-Russian Union of the Russian People. But this formula existed in sharp contradiction to the realities of “renewed Russia.” Conservatives continually underscored the lack of correspondence between reality and their conservative dogma. In conservative circles, the growth of social tensions on the eve of the war was also understood as evidence of the inadequacy of the new political order. Because of this, Russian conservatives did not aspire to preserve the Third of June system and did not try to restore it after February 1917.

scholarly journals Peranan Harem dalam Institusi Sosial dan Politik Uthmaniyyah

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-87
Author(s):  
Nurul Syafina Rosman ◽  
Ermy Azziaty Rozali ◽  
Ezad Azraai Jamsari ◽  
Mohd Roslan Mohd Nor
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Historical Study ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Aspect ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
The Social ◽  
Female Figures ◽  
History Of

The history of harem institution has been a subject of interest among researchers on the Ottoman era for the reason of extraordinary involvement of women in administrative affairs of Ottoman politics, military and international relations. The emergence of some prominent Ottoman female figures such as Hurrem Sultan, Kosem Sultan and Turhan Sultan proved that the harem institution is very significant and dynamic.Therefore, the purpose of this article is to study the history of the Ottoman harem institution in general, besides analysing related issues on its role in the social and political aspects. This research uses a qualitative approach through the methods of historical study and content analysis, in gathering and analysing information from relevant materials and academic sources. From the results of the study, this research argues that the main role of the harem institution in the social aspect is the segregation of women to assigned spaces. In the political aspect, the harem has a significant effect on Ottoman administrative affairs, particularly in the 16th and 17th centuries. The harem institution was responsible for the continuity of administration, by giving birth to heirs for the throne and shaping a new dimension for the Ottoman’s international relations or external affairs through the role of diplomatic agents.

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