scholarly journals What constitutes successful covert action? Evaluating unacknowledged interventionism in foreign affairs

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Rory Cormac ◽  
Calder Walton ◽  
Damien Van Puyvelde
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Conceptual Model ◽  
Golden Age ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Public Understanding ◽  
Social Construct ◽  
Covert Action ◽  
Socially Constructed ◽  
State Activity

Abstract Covert action has long been a controversial tool of international relations. However, there is remarkably little public understanding about whether it works and, more fundamentally, about what constitutes success in this shadowy arena of state activity. This article distills competing criteria of success and examines how covert actions become perceived as successes. We develop a conceptual model of covert action success as a social construct and illustrate it through the case of ‘the golden age of CIA operations’. The socially constructed nature of success has important implications not just for evaluating covert actions but also for using, and defending against, them.

The identity policy and its effect in the stability of Middle East after 2010

2019 ◽  
pp. 434
Author(s):  
Ali Hussein Kadhim Alesammi
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Social Construct ◽  
Stability And Instability ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Stability ◽  
International Interactions ◽  
Regional Interests ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Identity Policy

Since 2010 Middle East have many events or what they call "Arab spring events" which it result of overthrow governments and the rise of new political groups, all of this elements was resulting of many international and regional activities and making new regional and international axles, as well as the intersections of the different regional interests, therefore this research will try to study the stability and instability in the region as an independent variable not according to the neorealism or neoliberalism theories, but according to the constructivism theory which it base their assumptions on:  "In the international relations the non-physical structures of international interactions are determined by the identities of the players, which in turn determine the interests that determine the behavior of international players." So the research questions are: 1-What is the identity policy and haw affect in international relations? 2-How the social construct affect in international relations? 3-How the elite's identities for the main actors in the Middle East affect in the regional axles?  

The International Law Standard in the Statutes of Australia and the United Kingdom

1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 628-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Crawford
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Robert Wilson ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
International Role

In a series of articles in this Journal, Professor Robert Wilson drew attention to the incorporation of references to international law in United States statutes, a technique designed to allow recourse to international law by the courts in interpreting and implementing those statutes, and, consequently, to help ensure conformity between international and U.S. law. The purpose of this article is to survey the references, direct and indirect, to international law in the 20th-century statutes of two Commonwealth countries in order to see to what extent similar techniques have been adopted. The choice of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth of Australia as the subjects of this survey is no doubt somewhat arbitrary (although passing reference will be made to the legislation of Canada and New Zealand). But the United Kingdom, a semi-unitary state whose involvement in international relations has been substantial throughout the century, and the Commonwealth of Australia, a federal polity with substantial legislative power over foreign affairs and defense -whose international role has changed markedly since 1901, do provide useful examples of states with constitutional and legislative continuity since 1901, and (as will be seen) considerable legislative involvement in this field.

scholarly journals UPAYA PENYELESAIAN SENGKETA WILAYAH PERBATASAN DARAT INDONESIA – TIMOR LESTE

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Imelda Masni Juniaty Sianipar
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Informal Institutions ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Timor Leste ◽  
Formal And Informal Institutions ◽  
Border Dispute ◽  
Settlement Of Dispute

AbstractOn the Annual Press Statement of the Indonesian Minister for Foreign Affairs 2017, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Retno LP Marsudi stated that Indonesia will accelerate the settlement of negotiations on the border issues of Indonesia with several neighboring countries including Timor Leste. Foreign Minister Retno also stressed that the settlement of Indonesia's border with Timor-Leste will be peaceful, without threat of violence, and with full respect for international law. This article seeks to understand the border dispute of the border areas of Indonesia-Timor Leste in international relations perspective. There are three strategies that Indonesia can implement to resolve this dispute. They are military confrontation, the use of formal institutions such as international organizations and the use of informal institutions such as norms, beliefs, ideas and values. The article argues that it is not enough to rely solely on international agreements to resolve the dispute between Noel Besi / Citrana and Bijael Sunan / Oben, Indonesia needs to emphasize the importance of understanding the norms, beliefs, ideas and values of indigenous peoples living in disputed territories. It is expected that the use of formal and informal institutions can accelerate the settlement of dispute Noel Besi / Citrana and Bijael Sunan / Oben.Keywords: land border dispute, Indonesia, Timor Leste AbstrakPada Pernyataan Pers Tahunan Menteri Luar Negeri Tahun 2017, Menteri Luar Negeri (Menlu) Retno LP Marsudi menyatakan bahwa Indonesia akan mempercepat penyelesaian perundingan masalah perbatasan wilayah Indonesia dengan beberapa negara tetangga, salah satunya adalah Timor Leste. Menlu Retno juga menekankan bahwa penyelesaian perbatasan Indonesia dengan Timor Leste akan dilakukan secara damai, tanpa ancaman kekerasan, dan dengan penghormatan sepenuhnya pada hukum internasional. Artikel ini berupaya memahami sengketa perbatasan wilayah perbatasan Indonesia-Timor Leste dalam perspektif hubungan internasional. Ada tiga strategi yang dapat ditempuh oleh Indonesia dalam rangka menyelesaikan sengketa ini yaitu konfrontasi militer, penggunaan institusi formal seperti organisasi internasional serta penggunaan institusi informal yaitu norma, kepercayaan, ide dan nilai. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa untuk menyelesaikan sengketa Noel Besi/Citrana dan Bijael Sunan/Oben tidak cukup menggandalkan traktat / perjanjian internasional saja, Indonesia perlu lebih menekankan pada pentingnya pemahaman akan norma, kepercayaan, ide dan nilai dari masyarakat adat yang tinggal di wilayah sengketa tersebut. Niscaya penggabungan strategi pemanfaatan institusi formal dan informal tersebut dapat mempercepat penyelesaian sengketa Noel Besi/Citrana dan Bijael Sunan/Oben.Kata kunci: sengketa wilayah perbatasan darat, Indonesia, Timor Leste

scholarly journals THE PROBLEM OF REFORMING THE ARMENIAN VILAYETS OF TURKEY IN THE POLITICS OF THE LEADING POWERS IN 1908-1914

2021 ◽  
pp. 51-60
Author(s):  
K. R. Ambartsumyan
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
South Caucasus ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Territorial Conflicts ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Historical Past

The current problem of the South Caucasus and Russian-Turkish interaction requires constantly to look back to the historical past, where the roots of all Caucasian ethno-territorial conflicts lie. In this regard, the problem of reforming the Armenian vilayets of the Ottoman Empire is urgent for modern international relations. Neither the genocide, nor the current difficulties of the Armenian-Turkish relations can be adequately considered without studying the situation around Armenia at the beginning of the 20th century.Above all, the author examines the problem of reforming the Armenian regions of the Ottoman Empire, taking into account the interests of the leading powers and is placed in the context of the pre-war peace and bloc confrontation. The main research approach of the study is neorealism, which makes the basis of international relations not only states with their interests, but also alliances of states. In addition to the published musical correspondence of Russian diplomats, the work uses sources of personal origin: the memoirs of S. D. Sazonov - the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire, the memoirs of the American Ambassador G. Morgenthau, the diary of the Dutch inspector Louis Konstan Westenenk, archival documents with A. Mandelstam's report on reform projects were introduced into scientific circulation. The study released that the most persistent and consistent position on the reforms of the Armenian vilayets was taken by Russia, which sought to secure the Caucasus, adjacent to Turkey. Refugees were striving from the vilayets to the Russian part of Armenia, therefore, calming down the Armenian population in the Turkish part would contribute to stability in the Caucasian outskirts. However, there was no unanimity in the Entente on the Armenian issue, the outbreak of the First World War prevented the implementation of the project prepared on the eve of the war, as a result, everything turned into genocide for the Armenian people.

scholarly journals On Remembering Le premier festival culturel panafricain d’Alger 1969

Lateral ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Jayne Kimmel
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
Third World ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Personal History ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
The Past ◽  
Remarkable Event ◽  
History Of ◽  
Pandemic Response

This assembled interview centers both Elaine Mokhtefi and Le premier festival culturel panafricain d’Alger 1969 (PANAF), a festival which she organized and attended as a part of the Algerian Ministry of Information, noting it as an exemplary instance of the power of performance at the nexus of political ideology, activist history, and the subsequent nostalgia for that era of liberation. It is equally an attempt to overcome a distant relationship to each, reflecting on the potential of oral histories to open up new pathways through the past. This history—of entangled international relations negotiated under the guise of a festive performance, a complicated trajectory of global politics which culminated in a remarkable event of celebration and solidarity—remains understudied, a footnote to more “political” concerns of Third World agendas, decolonial reorderings, and capitalist critiques. Yet through Mokhtefi’s testimony, interwoven with searching tendrils of archival detail, we can see that this festival was not a superficial exaltation in extravagance, but a pivotal moment in foreign affairs. More importantly, through her personal history, we can trace the central role that women played in these politics, if often unacknowledged. Edited in 2020, it also counters the pejorative label of non-essential labor applied to most cultural activities during the contemporary pandemic response to COVID-19.

scholarly journals A Systematic Literature Review on Professional Identity Construction in Social Media

SAGE Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 215824401982884 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judita Kasperiuniene ◽  
Vilma Zydziunaite
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Professional Identity ◽  
Identity Construction ◽  
Medical Tourism ◽  
Cognitive Structure ◽  
Social Construct ◽  
Public And Private ◽  
Socially Constructed ◽  
Psychological Balance ◽  
Smart Technologies

The aim of this systematic review was to gather, review, summarize, and analyze the studies on professional identity construction in social media from various scholar perspectives. The search was conducted on the WoS Core Collection, Scopus, and EBSCOhost databases using keywords “professional identity construction” and “social media.” Seventeen full-text articles were studied searching for the essential aspects of professional identity construction. Results discussed professional identity as a complex phenomenon with two dominating perspectives: (a) professional identity as a cognitive structure and (b) professional identity as a social construct. Cognitive structures of professional identity construction in social media were mainly or partially covered in education, communication, medicine, and medical tourism-related contexts. Studies that envisage professional identity as socially constructed dominate in management, organizational, medical tourism, and neuroscience. The core topics of professional identity construction cover the blurring of professional stereotypes and reconstruction of multiple professional selves; merging public and private identities; belonging to a group and trusting social media. In researched papers, scholars argue virtual behavior can be predicted and smart technologies could help maintain physical and psychological balance. Findings show the overlapping landscape of studies and identify areas for future interdisciplinary research.

scholarly journals Testing the Boundaries of Subnational Diplomacy: The International Climate Action of Local and Regional Governments

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joana Setzer
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Legal Capacity ◽  
Climate Regime ◽  
The World ◽  
Climate Action ◽  
International Climate ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Legal Frameworks ◽  
Regional Governments

AbstractSince the 1990s, a number of local and regional governments around the world have started to engage in a real international or ‘paradiplomatic’ climate agenda. While the multilevel governance approach has advanced the examination of the actors and levels involved in climate governance, there is within this body of literature a limited consideration of the legal capacity of non-state actors to act across scales. This article addresses this gap and examines the potential limitations imposed on subnational diplomacy by international and domestic legal orders. The article draws upon the example of Brazil where, despite constitutional limitations on the involvement of subnational governments in international relations, paradiplomacy has been termed ‘federative diplomacy’ and institutionalized within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and within the Presidency of the Republic. The article shows that the diplomatic activity of local and regional governments is still constrained by international and domestic legal frameworks. If cities and regions are to help in addressing the inadequacies of the international climate regime, then domestic and international legal frameworks will need to further accommodate subnational diplomatic activities.

Diplomacy and Diplomats

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iver B. Neumann
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
The State ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Context Change ◽  
Social Traits ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Work Abroad ◽  
At Home

The diplomat is formed in certain socially specific ways, and is defined by the role they play within certain contexts in the field of international relations. Since it is human beings, and not organizations, who practice diplomacy, the diplomats’ social traits are relevant to their work. Historically, diplomats can be defined in terms of two key social traits (class and gender) and how their roles depend on two contexts (bureaucrat/information gatherer and private/public). Before the rise of the state in Europe, envoys were usually monks. With the rise of the state, the aristocracy took over the diplomatic missions. Nonaristocrats were later allowed to assume the role of diplomats, but they needed to be trained, both as gentlemen and as diplomats. From the eighteenth century onwards, wives usually accompanied diplomats stationed abroad, though by the end of the nineteenth century, a few women came to work as typists and carry out menial chores for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). As women became legal persons through performing such labor, they later became qualified to legally serve as diplomats. Meanwhile, in terms of context, the key context change for a diplomat is from “at home” (as in “my home country”) to “abroad.” Historically, work at home is the descendant of bureaucratic service at the MFA, and work abroad of the diplomatic service.

Reconstruction of communicative stereotype in indirect dialogue of cultures: methodology of studies

10.12737/363 ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Силантьева ◽  
Margarita Silanteva
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Conceptual Model ◽  
Comparative Studies ◽  
Cultural Analysis ◽  
Cross Cultural ◽  
Cultural Communication ◽  
Cross Cultural Communication ◽  
Cultural Approach

The article addresses the main principles and methods of linguistic and cultural approach to reconstructing communicative stereotypes. The author shows the role of philosophical comparative studies in building a conceptual model of communicative stereotype, which makes it possible to define the content of cultural analysis in cross-cultural communication. The article proves the necessity to test their relevance in reference to historical facts in international relations. Studying the concept of ‘a border of constructive dialogues’, the author develops the idea further, introducing the term ‘a zone of transfer to irreversible destructiveness’.

Britain Debates Justice: an Analysis of the Reparations Issue of 1918

1968 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 140-154
Author(s):  
Barbee-Sue Rodman
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Criminal Law ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Popular Pressure ◽  
Moral Arguments ◽  
Just Peace ◽  
Armistice Agreement

It has been noticed by various observers that in the election campaign of 1918, which focused on the issue of “reparations” versus “indemnities,” the debate was dominated not by discussions of the practical issues of international relations, national interests, or economic possibilities, but rather by abstract moral arguments about “justice” — a “just peace” and a “just punishment” for Germany. It has not been noticed, however, that these arguments about justice were very largely carried over into international politics from the sphere of domestic criminal law, to such an extent that positions expressed vis-à-vis the Prison Acts of 1908 foreshadowed the positions expressed in foreign affairs in 1918.When, only three days after the Armistice, a parliamentary election was announced for December 14, there was little expectation that the terms of the treaty would be part of the electoral battle. It quickly became apparent, however, that despite the pre-Armistice agreement limiting German responsibility to reparations for damage done to Belgium and to the civilian population of Allied countries, there was a widespread public desire to force Germany to pay an indemnity for the entire cost of the war. Although Labour and the Asquithian Liberals refused to abandon their commitment to “reparations but no indemnity,” the Coalition leadership succumbed, though hesitantly, to popular pressure. Despite the private convictions of both David Lloyd George and Bonar Law that an indemnity would be unwise and harmful, the Coalition committed itself, before the campaign closed, to demanding the “entire cost of the War.”

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