scholarly journals THE PROBLEM OF REFORMING THE ARMENIAN VILAYETS OF TURKEY IN THE POLITICS OF THE LEADING POWERS IN 1908-1914

Author(s):  
K. R. Ambartsumyan

The current problem of the South Caucasus and Russian-Turkish interaction requires constantly to look back to the historical past, where the roots of all Caucasian ethno-territorial conflicts lie. In this regard, the problem of reforming the Armenian vilayets of the Ottoman Empire is urgent for modern international relations. Neither the genocide, nor the current difficulties of the Armenian-Turkish relations can be adequately considered without studying the situation around Armenia at the beginning of the 20th century.Above all, the author examines the problem of reforming the Armenian regions of the Ottoman Empire, taking into account the interests of the leading powers and is placed in the context of the pre-war peace and bloc confrontation. The main research approach of the study is neorealism, which makes the basis of international relations not only states with their interests, but also alliances of states. In addition to the published musical correspondence of Russian diplomats, the work uses sources of personal origin: the memoirs of S. D. Sazonov - the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire, the memoirs of the American Ambassador G. Morgenthau, the diary of the Dutch inspector Louis Konstan Westenenk, archival documents with A. Mandelstam's report on reform projects were introduced into scientific circulation. The study released that the most persistent and consistent position on the reforms of the Armenian vilayets was taken by Russia, which sought to secure the Caucasus, adjacent to Turkey. Refugees were striving from the vilayets to the Russian part of Armenia, therefore, calming down the Armenian population in the Turkish part would contribute to stability in the Caucasian outskirts. However, there was no unanimity in the Entente on the Armenian issue, the outbreak of the First World War prevented the implementation of the project prepared on the eve of the war, as a result, everything turned into genocide for the Armenian people.

2019 ◽  
pp. 256-281
Author(s):  
E.M. Kopot`

The article brings up an obscure episode in the rivalry of the Orthodox and Melkite communities in Syria in the late 19th century. In order to strengthen their superiority over the Orthodox, the Uniates attempted to seize the church of St. George in Izraa, one of the oldest Christian temples in the region. To the Orthodox community it presented a threat coming from a wealthier enemy backed up by the See of Rome and the French embassy. The only ally the Antioch Patriarchate could lean on for support in the fight for its identity was the Russian Empire, a traditional protector of the Orthodox Arabs in the Middle East. The documents from the Foreign Affairs Archive of the Russian Empire, introduced to the scientific usage for the first time, present a unique opportunity to delve into the history of this conflict involving the higher officials of the Ottoman Empire as well as the Russian embassy in ConstantinopleВ статье рассматривается малоизвестный эпизод соперничества православной и Мелкитской общин в Сирии в конце XIX века. Чтобы укрепить свое превосходство над православными, униаты предприняли попытку захватить церковь Святого Георгия в Израа, один из старейших христианских храмов в регионе. Для православной общины он представлял угрозу, исходящую от более богатого врага, поддерживаемого Римским престолом и французским посольством. Единственным союзником, на которого Антиохийский патриархат мог опереться в борьбе за свою идентичность, была Российская Империя, традиционный защитник православных арабов на Ближнем Востоке. Документы из архива иностранных дел Российской Империи, введены в научный оборот впервые, уникальная возможность углубиться в историю этого конфликта с участием высших должностных лиц в Османской империи, а также российского посольства в Константинополе.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Zeynep Bulutgil

According to the extant literature, state leaders pursue mass ethnic violence against minority groups in wartime if they believe that those groups are collaborating with an enemy. Treating the wartime leadership of a combatant state as a coherent unit, however, is misleading. Even in war, leaders differ in the degree to which they prioritize goals such as maintaining or expanding the territory of the state, and on whether they believe that minority collaboration with the enemy influences their ability to achieve those goals. Also, how leaders react to wartime threats from minority groups depends largely on the role that political organizations based on non-ethnic cleavages play in society. Depending on those cleavages, wartime minority collaboration may result in limited deportations and killings, ethnic cleansing, or minimal violence. A comparison of the policies of three multinational empires toward ethnic minority collaborators during World War I—the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italians, the Ottoman Empire and Armenians, and the Russian Empire and Muslims in the South Caucasus—illustrates this finding.


Author(s):  
Ivan B. Mironov

The refusal of Russia from its territory in Alaska is presented to this day as a goodwill gesture for the peace and consent with USA. The fragments of the documents stored in the archive of foreign policy of the Russian Empire, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, in the Russian State Historical Archive, in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, in the research department of manuscripts of the Russian State Library, reveal the true reasons for the taken decisions. New facts for scientific use and previously unknown documents are introduced.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (6) ◽  
pp. 128-138
Author(s):  
V. Mukhanov ◽  
A. Skakov

Received 04.03.2021. The war in Nagorno-Karabakh of autumn 2020 which has already been called Second Karabakh or 44-days war led to noticeable changes in the balance of forces and the entire configuration of the system of international relations in South Caucasus (SC) region. At the same time its consequences both for the regional situation and for the policies of the individual countries of the SC remain largely unclear. Thus the acute internal political crisis in Armenia has become protracted2. There is still no unity among the parties concerned regarding the future of Nagorno-Karabakh. Apparently the outcome of the war will also entail noticeable shifts in the policy of extra-regional actors in the South Caucasus whose interests in one or other extent are affected by the conflict. However, the prospects for these changes are also still unclear. These and other problems related to the war in Karabakh and its consequences were the subject of discussion took place at the Institute of Oriental Studies of Russian Academy of Sciences (RAS) in January 14, 2021. The discussion was attended by A.B. Krylov, V.M. Mukhanov, S.A. Pritchin, A.Yu. Skakov (IMEMO RAS); S.M. Markedonov, A.A. Yarlykapov (MGIMO of Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs).


Author(s):  
Mykhailo Buryan ◽  
◽  
Maria Buryan ◽  

The article deals with topical issues of incorporation of the territory of the South Caucasus into the Russian Empire at the beginning of the XIX century. The relevance of the analysis of the international situation in this period is due to the resumption of military operations in Nagorno – Karabakh in October-November 2020, the unresolved territorial contradictions between other countries in the region, and the danger of a frozen regional conflict turning into a stage of war if one of the opposing forces is militarily strengthened. The cause of ethnic, religious, and territorial contradictions in the Caucasus region should be found in the historical past, in territorial redistributions that took place more than two hundred years ago. As then, so now, the South Caucasus is a strategically important region in which both regional players – Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran – and global players-Russia and Turkey-claim dominance. Russian Russian-Iranian and Russian-Turkish mutual claims to the lands of Transcaucasia in 1804–1813 and 1806–1812. Accordingly, they led to wars that ended with the victory of the Russian Empire and the inclusion of a significant part of the lands of the South Caucasus in its composition.


2021 ◽  
pp. 13-41
Author(s):  
Ella Volodymyrivna Bystrytska

Abstract: A series of imperial decrees of the 1820s ordering the establishment of a Greco-Uniate Theological Collegium and appropriate consistories contributed to the spread of the autocratic synodal system of government and the establishment of control over Greek Uniate church institutions in the annexed territories of Right-Bank Ukraine. As a result, the Greco-Uniate Church was put on hold in favor of the government's favorable grounds for the rapid localization of its activities. Basilian accusations of supporting the Polish November Uprising of 1830-1831 made it possible to liquidate the OSBM and most monasteries. The transfer of the Pochaiv Monastery to the ownership of the Orthodox clergy in 1831 was a milestone in the liquidation of the Greco-Uniate Church and the establishment of a Russian-style Orthodox mono-confessionalism. On the basis of archival documents, the political motivation of the emperor's decree to confiscate the Pochayiv Monastery from the Basilians with all its property and capital was confirmed. The transfer to the category of monasteries of the 1st class and the granting of the status of a lavra indicated its special role in strengthening the position of the autocracy in the western region of the Russian Empire. The orders of the Holy Synod outline the key tasks of ensuring the viability of the Lavra as an Orthodox religious center: the introduction of continuous worship, strengthening the personal composition of the population, delimitation of spiritual responsibilities, clarifying the affiliation of the printing house. However, maintaining the rhythm of worship and financial and economic activities established by the Basilians proved to be a difficult task, the solution of which required ten years of hard work. In order to make quick changes in the monastery, decisions were made by the emperor and senior government officials, and government agencies were involved at the local level, which required the coordination of actions of all parties to the process.


Author(s):  
Mahmood Monshipouri

The relationship between Iran, Turkey and the South Caucasus states have been influenced by an array of geopolitical, strategic, cultural, and economic factors. The competition between Iran and Turkey and their roles in the South Caucasus are best defined by traditional balance-of-power relations and the broader context of the post-Soviet era. This chapter unpacks the complex dynamics of pipeline politics in the South Caucasus region by underlying the need to understand the “Great Power Game” involving geostrategic and geo-economic interests of local governments, regional actors, global powers, and international oil companies. The larger focus turns on underscoring the importance of the region’s large oil and gas reserves; its land connection between the Caspian Sea, South Caucasus, and Europe; and its long-standing territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet era. Iran and Turkey have fought for influence in the South Caucasus while maintaining relatively good bilateral relationships in the region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Rory Cormac ◽  
Calder Walton ◽  
Damien Van Puyvelde

Abstract Covert action has long been a controversial tool of international relations. However, there is remarkably little public understanding about whether it works and, more fundamentally, about what constitutes success in this shadowy arena of state activity. This article distills competing criteria of success and examines how covert actions become perceived as successes. We develop a conceptual model of covert action success as a social construct and illustrate it through the case of ‘the golden age of CIA operations’. The socially constructed nature of success has important implications not just for evaluating covert actions but also for using, and defending against, them.


1979 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 628-646 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Crawford

In a series of articles in this Journal, Professor Robert Wilson drew attention to the incorporation of references to international law in United States statutes, a technique designed to allow recourse to international law by the courts in interpreting and implementing those statutes, and, consequently, to help ensure conformity between international and U.S. law. The purpose of this article is to survey the references, direct and indirect, to international law in the 20th-century statutes of two Commonwealth countries in order to see to what extent similar techniques have been adopted. The choice of the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth of Australia as the subjects of this survey is no doubt somewhat arbitrary (although passing reference will be made to the legislation of Canada and New Zealand). But the United Kingdom, a semi-unitary state whose involvement in international relations has been substantial throughout the century, and the Commonwealth of Australia, a federal polity with substantial legislative power over foreign affairs and defense -whose international role has changed markedly since 1901, do provide useful examples of states with constitutional and legislative continuity since 1901, and (as will be seen) considerable legislative involvement in this field.


Experiment ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-181
Author(s):  
Azade-Ayse Rorlich

Abstract The Great Reform era in Russia, as well as the modernist movements in the Ottoman Empire and other Muslim lands represent the background against which the Muslims of the Russian Empire engaged in the scrutiny of the reasons behind the backwardness of their societies and began advocating the compatibility of Islam with modernity. After 1906, the Muslim press became the most important instrument in the creation of the public sphere where issues of tradition and modernity were debated. This essay focuses on the Tatar satirical journal Yalt-Yolt to explore its contribution to the critique of the old Muslim mentalité, as well as its role as an instrument of modernity.


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