Dürer’s Reformation

2020 ◽  
pp. 161-208
Author(s):  
David H. Price
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Important Work ◽  
The Core ◽  
Good Works ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Last Supper ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Right

This chapter offers an interpretation of Albrecht Dürer’s energetic promotion of the Reformation during the first decade of the movement. As evidenced from personal documents and artwork, his firm adherence to humanism shaped his perception and support of the Reformation. Unquestionably, Dürer advanced the ideals of biblical humanism as the foundation of the new movement in his portraits of Melanchthon, Erasmus, and biblical saints. He also captured the core principles of Luther’s Bible, including the status of good works in a theology of solafideism, in his innovative Last Supper (1523). His Four Holy Men (1526) is a powerful endorsement of Lutheran reform that reveals the political crises arising from Protestant activism. In this important work, Dürer acknowledges that the sudden diversity of Protestantism has fomented political chaos; nonetheless, he defends biblicism, specifically by portraying the preservation of biblicism (and a biblically based orthodoxy) as the right and responsibility of governmental authority.

Trump-ing Foreign Affairs: Status Threat and Foreign Policy Preferences on the Right

2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 737-755 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Marie Blum ◽  
Christopher Sebastian Parker
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Threat Model ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

President Trump is often at odds with the conservative establishment over a range of issues, not least of which is foreign policy. Yet it remains unclear whether supporting “Trumpism” is commensurate with coherent foreign policy views that are distinct from conventionally conservative positions. We evaluate whether the foreign policy views of Trump’s supporters, both in the voting public and among activists, differ from those of other Republicans. We use the 2016 ANES to examine Republican primary voters and the new 2016 State Convention Delegate Study to assess Republican activists. In doing so, we reveal systematic differences in foreign policy preferences between Trump supporters and more establishment conservatives. We demonstrate that the status-threat model need not be confined to domestic politics. Indeed, it may be extended to explain foreign policy preferences on the political right, that of Trump’s supporters in the present case. In doing so, we also find evidence that status threat may well be the source of fracture in the Republican Party.

scholarly journals Introduction

2019 ◽  
Vol 96 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Franco Barchiesi ◽  
Shona N. Jackson
Keyword(s):  
White Supremacy ◽  
Global Capitalism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Free Labor ◽  
Philosophical Foundations ◽  
The Core ◽  
Chattel Slavery ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
The Status ◽  
Racial Slavery

Labor historiography in the contexts of modern racial slavery and emancipation has long placed changes in the status of work at the core of the very meaning of captivity and freedom, their epochal watersheds, and institutionalized or unintended overlaps. Reviewing, in this journal's pages, recent scholarship on the relations between slavery and capitalism, James Oakes summarized that the “crucial differences between the political economy of slave and free labor … ultimately led to a catastrophic Civil War and one of the most violent emancipations in the hemisphere.” The literature Oakes critically discussed exemplifies the growing academic interest in the multifarious functionality of coerced production for the development of global capitalism. The resulting picture reaches much further than mere questions of economic causality, or whether chattel slavery did kick-start the profitability of capitalism, rather than the other way around. At stake are explanations of how racial captivity—which liberal economic, political, and moral discourse deems an anachronism—shapes the very productive, financial, social, institutional, and philosophical foundations of the global present. Historic and contemporary activist resistance to recurring and ubiquitous waves of antiblack violence, as well as the increasingly self-confident affirmation of white supremacy across Western states and civil societies has rendered such dilemmas in starker terms, asking whether persistent echoes of racial slavery are symptoms that the system is “built this way” rather than being just “broken.”

scholarly journals The ‘Europe with the Regions’ before the Court of Justice

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlo Panara
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Soft Law ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Right ◽  
Regional Languages ◽  
The Eu

This article analyses the case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) concerning the regions. It argues that there is a discrepancy between the progressive framing of a ‘Europe with the regions’ in the political sphere and the limited impact of the Court in this field. This discrepancy does not emerge everywhere, nor does it emerge with the same intensity in all sectors. Indeed, in a number of areas, the CJEU has acknowledged the role and responsibilities of the regions. Examples include the right/duty of the regions to implement EU obligations, the protection of regional languages, as well as the ‘sufficient autonomy’ test developed by the CJEU in relation to state aid. There is no ‘ideological opposition’ of the CJEU to an increasing ‘regionalisation’ of the EU. There are, however, structural hindrances that prevent the Court from promoting further advancements of the status of the regions in the European edifice, particularly as regards their participation in EU processes. Since the EU remains a ‘union of states’, the ‘Europe with the regions’ has developed so far, and is likely to continue to develop, via advancements reflected in policy-making practices, soft-law arrangements and Treaty amendments rather than via the ‘judge-made federalism’ of the Court.

Shifting the Status Quo: Constitutional Reforms in Chile

2015 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudio Fuentes
Keyword(s):  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Party Discipline ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Augusto Pinochet ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Right ◽  
Rules Of The Game

AbstractThis article outlines the factors that explain changes in the rules of the game in Chile after the restoration of democracy in 1990. It looks particularly at the reasons why the right-wing parties—strong defenders of the constitution imposed by General Augusto Pinochet in 1980—accepted reforms that eliminated many of what the literature has termed authoritarian enclaves. The article explains this shift by observing significant changes in the political context that, in turn, affected the priorities of veto players. In this context, short-term strategic calculations by the right-wing parties, aiming to achieve a new balance of power less detrimental to their interests, opened a window of opportunity that led to congressional approval of important reforms. Particular institutional features of the Chilean political system—party discipline and a balance of power in favor of the executive—also helped the political actors to reach agreement.

Calvin, Witsius (1636–1708), and the English Antinomians

2011 ◽  
Vol 91 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 229-240 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gert van den Brink
Keyword(s):  
Seventeenth Century ◽  
Human Activity ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Defensive Strategy ◽  
Reformed Tradition ◽  
The Core ◽  
Investigative Tool ◽  
Good Works ◽  
The Reformation

At the core of the Reformation lies the belief that good works are excluded from man’s justification before God. Roman Catholic adversaries feared the rise of immorality and thus accused the Reformed of antinomianism. In this paper the term “doctrinal antinomians” is used for those who deny any human activity within the order of salvation. Within the Reformed tradition we do indeed find examples of such antinomians. As might be expected, they were highly criticised from within their own Reformed camp. However, as part of their defensive strategy they appealed to Calvin as one of their champions. This paper first investigates the manner in which the antinomians referred to him, and then goes on to consider whether their appeal is justified. In order to evaluate to what extent antinomian aspects can be detected in Calvin’s theology, the analysis of the antinomian position by Herman Witsius, a seventeenth-century Dutch theologian, will be used as an investigative tool.

Music in Early Twentieth-Century Istanbul

2021 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Onur Öner
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Social History ◽  
Urban Life ◽  
Limited Attention ◽  
The Political ◽  
Music Schools ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status

This study addresses the social history of music in early twentieth-century Ottoman Istanbul. The paper argues that private music schools were at the center of transformations in music and that their history is profoundly related to the political crises the Ottoman state experienced after the turn of the twentieth century. More precisely, by approaching the Ottoman bureaucracy from a musical perspective, the paper tries to link the reorganization of the Ottoman bureaucracy in 1909 with the emergence of private music schools in Istanbul. To explore the process, the paper follows some official functionaries’ career paths to explain their concentration in these schools. In contrast to conventional historiography, the aim is to emphasise that out of the political crises, private music schools emerged as a new ground in music. By paying limited attention to musical aspects, the study will mainly address the social roles these schools occupied in Ottoman urban life. They were practically social organizations, whose members pursued common goals. Collective action, such a fundamental shift of mindset on the part of the musicians, facilitated the advancement of the status of musicians in Ottoman urban society and decreased uncertainty about the future of the profession. Moreover, the institutional identity provided by the schools changed the place of women in music by increasing their visibility as music teachers and performers.

THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE KALMYK KHANA IN RUSSIA

2021 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
ALEXANDER V. TSYURUMOV ◽  
◽  
ANDREY A. KURAPOV ◽  
Keyword(s):  
18Th Century ◽  
17Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article is devoted to the study of one of the most important problems of modern historical science - the history of the formation of the Russian multinational state. Special attention is paid to the comparative analysis of the state and political statuses of the national autonomies of Russia - the Kalmyk Khanate and the Hetman's Ukraine. The statehood of the Kalmyk nomads arose after their entry into the Russian state in the first half of the 17th century. It is shown that the nature of the Russian-Kalmyk relations during this period makes it possible to define them as a protectorate of Russia over the Kalmyk uluses. The article examines the formation of the Russian-Kalmyk interaction, the evolution of the status, territorial framework and geopolitical position of the Kalmyk Khanate. At the beginning of the second quarter of the 18th century. After the Kazakhs of the Younger Zhuz migrated to Emba, the Kalmyk lands partially lost their border status and began to increasingly resemble the inner territory of the Russian Empire. A gradual transformation of political autonomy into administrative one begins. The article describes the main features of the autonomy of the Kalmyk Khanate in the period of the 17th - early 18th centuries: the preservation of the traditional administrative structure, the concentration of administrative, judicial, legislative and fiscal power in the hands of the secular elite, the inheritance of the supreme power in the Torgout dynasty. The paper determines that the new geopolitical status of the Kalmyk Khanate after the second quarter of the 17th century also changed the state policy in relation to it - the system of government of the khanate was unified, political independence was eliminated, the khanate was being integrated into the general imperial administrative and political system. The restrictive policy of Russia in relation to the Kalmyk Khanate, the government's interference in the hereditary question contributed to the beginning of the political fragmentation of the Khanate in the second half of the 20s - the first half of the 30s of the 18th century, political crises of the second half of the 18th century, and the crisis of 1771. The material presented in the article makes it possible to highlight general patterns in the political status of the Kalmyk Khanate and Ukraine in the 17-18th centuries.

Freedom of Speech in Early Stuart England

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-214
Author(s):  
Ed King
Keyword(s):  
Common Good ◽  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
Best Interest ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Face ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
Stuart England ◽  
The Right

Freedom of Speech in Early Stuart England, David Colclough, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. 314.The rhetorical lynchpin of this fascinating book's central argument is the concept of parrhesia, which is a Greek term that began life as a catch-all expression for the quality of speech belonging to citizens of the polis (6). Colclough implies that the tradition of parrhesia took a circular route via the freedom of expression inherent in the group rights of Greek citizens to the need for frank expression of unpleasant truths by courtiers to their rulers. This transition required that “frankness” be elevated to the status of a virtue once it became apparent that rulers did not always make decisions in the best interest of the state. After the Reformation in northern Europe this virtue evolved into a religious imperative in the face of sectarian persecution and in England, especially, this imperative naturally extended itself to the admonition of monarchs who encroached on their citizens' religious freedoms. Religious conflict led to war, war required economic investment and soon the religious imperative to oppose the wrong-headed heretic blended with a protestant parliament's right to admonish the monarch on purely secular matters. Thus, under the Stuarts, parrhesia eventually came to resume its original sense as the right and duty of a free subject to speak out in public without fear that his desire to preserve the common good would be prosecuted under laws aimed at the seditious and libelous. It is but a rising sense of the secular that enables us to recognize the change in values that led an onerous religious duty to become the unimpeachable liberal right we so casually assert today.

(2) Convention on the Political Rights of Women, adopted by the seventh session of the General Assembly, December 20, 1952

1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 173-175
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Public Service ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The Status ◽  
The United Nations ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

Desiring to implement the principle of equality of rights for men and women contained in the Charter of the United Nations,Recognizing that everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country directly or through freely chosen representatives, and has the right to equal access to public service in his country, and desiring to equalize the status of men and women in the enjoyment and exercise of political rights, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,

scholarly journals Concept freiheit in German language chronicles of the XV–XVI centuries (on the material of town chronicles of Bern and Worms)

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 152-159
Author(s):  
A. E. Dunaev
Keyword(s):  
Turning Point ◽  
Written Language ◽  
German Language ◽  
Legal Entity ◽  
The Core ◽  
Research Material ◽  
The Status ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Town

In the history of the German written language, the XVXVI centuries became a turning point: in the sphere of both administrative writing and informative literature, new genres and types of texts are developing, and relations within the genre system are being rebuilt. Chronicle texts, including town chronicles, become one of the most popular textotypes. According to researchers, their primary function is legitimization of the respective town as a political and legal entity. This legitimation was based primarily on the rights and privileges granted to the town by its former or current lord. Accordingly, the semiotic space of chronicle texts is organized around the concept of freiheit meaning privilege, right, freedom. The purpose of the article is to analyze the nominative field of the concept freiheit and to conclude on the semantics and functioning of lexical units in the text that verbalize this concept. Over hundred text examples extracted from the chronicles of Bern (the first third of the XV century) and Worms (the second half of the XVI century) were used as the research material. The core of the concept freiheit, its nominate is built by the homonymic lexeme, whereby the lexeme recht also belongs to the nuclear part of the field. Based on the analysis of text examples, five components of meaning of freiheit were identified, which form the slots of the corresponding concept. The largest number of concept nominations is concentrated in the slot right, privilege: these are the lexemes gerechtigkeit the right to adjudicate, herrlichkeit with a similar meaning, obrigkeit the right of possession, indult temporary privilege, erlaubung permission. On the periphery of the concept freiheit lie the lexemes herkommen and gewohnheit in the meaning of legal customs. The analysis of material allows us to conclude that in the view of chroniclers, urban legal customs were as important for the legitimization of town as its privileges. It is worth saying that the lexeme freiheit is often used as a collective one, without specifying the content of a specific right or privilege. Obviously, for the chroniclers, the very existence of rights in their totality was of paramount importance, since this determined the status and power of their town.

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