The Ideologues of Communal Political Culture

Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This chapter focuses on the immense work of refoundation of political language and culture carried out by two groups in the communal age: the experts of the Ars dictandi and the jurists. The former, through the reworking of materials from the distant past (ancient republicanism, Cicero, then, from the end of the thirteenth century, also Aristotle), came to identify the essence of politics in the government of the community through justice, which alone could guarantee peace and collective profit. The latter, meanwhile, developed the instruments to affirm the primacy of the commune both within and outside the city. The effect was twofold: to legitimize the efforts of the commune, committed to promoting itself as a public power, and to lay the foundations for a relationship with the jurists that would become osmotic and pregnant with consequences.

Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

At the beginning of the thirteenth century, two new actors made their appearance in the political life of the communes: the factions and the Societas Populi. This chapter focuses on the political language and culture of these two elements, highlighting the tendency of various social actors to consistently represent the unity of the political body. This was the supreme value which neither the factions nor the Popolo would renounce, even when they were alone in power: on the contrary, in fact, it was very much in that kind of situation that the parties tended to represent themselves as ‘the whole’. The chapter then goes on to examine the role that both the factions and the Societas Populi played in fostering the first experiences of lordly government in the city.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (36) ◽  
pp. 94
Author(s):  
José Paulo De Sousa ◽  
Danyelle Mestre De Souza

Os projetos públicos voltados ao empreendedorismo podem auxiliar e mudar a vida das pessoas de baixa renda e o desenvolvimento econômico da cidade. O lócus de investigação foi constituído pela praça de alimentação, construída pelo Poder Público, para dimensão do empreendedorismo na cidade de Santa Cruz do Capibaribe PE, que investiu recursos, criando renda e oportunidades de emprego e de negócio. Para tanto, constatou-se que financiamentos voltados para pessoas de baixa renda favorecem o crescimento do Arranjo Produtivo Local (APL) e agregam benefícios imensuráveis e desenvolvem renda para as partes envolvidas, tanto quanto para a sociedade, que ganha, desta forma, benefícios imensuráveis. Palavras-chave: Mudanças. Administração Empresarial. Poder Público. AbstractThe public projects focusing on entrepreneurship can help and change the low-income people’s lives and the city’s economic development. The locus of research was constituted by the food court built by the Government for the entrepreneurship dimension in the city of Santa Cruz do Capibaribe (PE), which invested resources, creating income and employment and business opportunities. Therefore, it was found that funding to low-income people, promote the growth of Local productive Arrangement (APL) and adds immeasurable benefits and develop income for the parties as much as for society that obtains immeasurable benefits. Keywords: Changes. Business Administration. Public Power. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamaruddin Salim

<p><em>Political Participation and the Dynamics of Democracy in the City of Tidore Islands provide an interesting picture in political studies in Indonesia. In political contestation along with the passing of Direct Local Election, the people of Tidore Islands have been educated in political participation and democracy. Increased level of community political participation in the 2019 Concurrent Election. Strengthening of community patrenalistic politics with the weakening role of political parties in educating the political community. The political culture of openness with the role of political actors emerged as a civil society group that was able to influence bureaucratic policies or be involved in determining who deserved to sit in the government or in the legislature. Political dynamics characterized by the circulation of new elites in the socio-political space illustrates the future of democracy by conducting analytical descriptive research in order to understand the process of political participation and democratization which is the most important learning for people in politics.</em></p><p><strong><em> </em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>:Democracy, Concurrent Election, Political Culture, and Elite Circulation</em><em></em></p><p><strong> </strong></p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-19
Author(s):  
Crystal Jelita Lumban Tobing

 KPPN Medan II is one of the government organization units at the Ministry of Finance. Where leaders and employees who work at KPPN Medan II always carry out official trips between cities and outside the city. With these conditions, making SPPD documents experiencing the intensity of official travel activities carried out by employees of KPPN Medan II can be said frequently. So that in making SPPD in KPPN Medan II is still using the manual method that is recording through Microsoft Word which in the sense is less effective and efficient. In naming employees who get official assignments, officers manually entering employee data that receives official travel letters are prone to being lost because data is manually written. The web-based SPPD application is built by applying this prototyping method which is expected to facilitate SPPD KPPN Medan II management officers in making SPPD that is effective, efficient, accurate, time-saving, and not prone to losing SPPD data of KPPN Medan II employees who will has made official trips due to the existence of a special database to accommodate all SPPD files.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurwan Nurwan ◽  
Ali Hadara ◽  
La Batia

ABSTRAK: Inti pokok masalah dalam penelitian ini meliputi latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, Faktor-faktor yang mendorong gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna dan akibat gerakan sosial masyarakat Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna? Latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba yaitu keadaan kampungnya yang hanya terdiri dari beberapa kepala keluarga tiap kampung dan jarak yang jauh masing-masing kampung membuat keadaan masyarakatnya sulit untuk berkomnikasi dan tiap kampung hanya terdiri dari lima sampai dengan tujuh kepala keluarga saja. Kampung ini letaknya paling timur pulau Muna terbentang dari ujung kota Raha sekarang sampai kampung Wakuru yang saat ini. Kondisi ini juga yang menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kampung ini kurang berkembang baik dibidang ekonomi, sosial politik, pendidikan maupun di bidang kebudayaan. Keadaan ini diperparah lagi dengan sifat dan karakter penduduknya yang masih sangat primitif. Faktor yang mendorong adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian antara keinginan pemerintah setempat dan masyarakat yang mendiami Kampung Labaluba pada waktu itu. Sedangkan proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna bermula ketika pemerintah seolah memaksakan kehendaknya kepada rakyat yang menyebabkan rakyat tidak setuju dengan kebijakan tersebut. Akibat yang ditimbulkan dari adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna terbagi dua yaitu akibat positif dan akibat negatif.Kata Kunci: Gerakan Sosial, Factor dan Dampaknya ABSTRACT: The main issues in this study include the background of the social movement of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, Factors that encourage social movements of Labaluba Kampung Sub-village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, the social movement process of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District Muna Regency and due to Labaluba community social movements Kontumere Village Kabawo District Muna Regency? The background of the Labaluba Kampung community social movement is that the condition of the village consists of only a few heads of households per village and the distance of each village makes it difficult for the community to communicate and each village only consists of five to seven households. This village is located east of the island of Muna stretching from the edge of the city of Raha now to the current village of Wakuru. This condition is also one of the factors causing the village to be less developed in the economic, social political, educational and cultural fields. This situation is made worse by the very primitive nature and character of the population. The factor that motivated the existence of the social movement of Labaluba Village in Kontumere Village, Kabawo Subdistrict, Muna Regency was the mismatch between the wishes of the local government and the people who inhabited Labaluba Village at that time. While the process of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency began when the government seemed to impose its will on the people, causing the people to disagree with the policy. The consequences arising from the existence of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency are divided into two, namely positive and negative effects. Keywords: Social Movements, Factors and their Impacts


Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Palmyra Repette ◽  
Jamile Sabatini-Marques ◽  
Tan Yigitcanlar ◽  
Denilson Sell ◽  
Eduardo Costa

Since the advent of the second digital revolution, the exponential advancement of technology is shaping a world with new social, economic, political, technological, and legal circumstances. The consequential disruptions force governments and societies to seek ways for their cities to become more humane, ethical, inclusive, intelligent, and sustainable. In recent years, the concept of City-as-a-Platform was coined with the hope of providing an innovative approach for addressing the aforementioned disruptions. Today, this concept is rapidly gaining popularity, as more and more platform thinking applications become available to the city context—so-called platform urbanism. These platforms used for identifying and addressing various urbanization problems with the assistance of open data, participatory innovation opportunity, and collective knowledge. With these developments in mind, this study aims to tackle the question of “How can platform urbanism support local governance efforts in the development of smarter cities?” Through an integrative review of journal articles published during the last decade, the evolution of City-as-a-Platform was analyzed. The findings revealed the prospects and constraints for the realization of transformative and disruptive impacts on the government and society through the platform urbanism, along with disclosing the opportunities and challenges for smarter urban development governance with collective knowledge through platform urbanism.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 122
Author(s):  
Yunita Ratna Sari

Solo is one of the two Cities in Indonesia that received the highest award of District / City Worthy Children's implementation from President JokowiWidodo as the City of Eligible Children. The success of Solo to get the award of Decent Child's City can not be separated from the leadership FX.HadiRudyatmo as the Mayor of Solo. The objectives of this research are: (1) To know and explain the leadership of FX.HadiRudyatmo in realizing the Solo of Decent City, (2) To analyze and analyze the factors that make Solo Municipal Children's Favorite and (3) to know and analyze the actors who contribute greatly in Solo Kota Decent Children. The method used in this study is a qualitative descriptive approach that explains the results of research, assessment and other references reinforced by empirical data conducted through interviews and observation. The results showed that the leadership of FX.HadiRudyatmo in realizing the Decent City Solo is very democratic but the egosektoral among the Organization of Regional Devices in realizing the Solo Municipal Decent Children is still high and there are still problems that can not be resolved even though Solo gets the predicate Solo Kota Major Main is the number of children who exposed to HIV / AIDS is still high and the availability of child data information management system. Recommendations given to the Government are to build more intense communications and improve routine coordination among the Regional Device Organizations through scheduled meetings amongst the WTO, promoting socialization and education to all levels of society on HIV / AIDS as well as the creation of a web data base on child data.Keywords: Leadership, Head of Region, District / City Eligible Children


1988 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Cobban

By the beginning of the twentieth century, Semarang was a major port city and administrative centre on Java. Attainment of this position was due partly to the expansion of its hinterland during the nineteenth century. This expansion was closely related to developments in the means of transportation and the consequent ability of plantation owners to bring the products of their plantations to the port for shipment to foreign markets. By the end of the century virtually the whole economic life of central Java focused upon Semarang. The city also exercised administrative functions in the Dutch colonial administration and generally had been responsible for Dutch interests in the middle and eastern parts of the island. The importance of Semarang as an administrative centre increased after 1906. In that year the government incorporated the city as an urban municipality (stadsgemeente). In 1914 it had consular representation from the United States, Belgium, Denmark, France, Great Britain, Italy, Norway, Germany, and Thailand. Subsequently, in 1926 it became the capital of the Province of Central Java under the terms of an administrative reform fostered by the colonial government at Batavia. Status as an urban municipality meant that local officials sitting on a city council would govern the domestic affairs of the city. The members of the city council at first were appointed from Batavia, subsequently some of them were elected by residents of the city. By the beginning of the twentieth century Semarang had enhanced its position as a major port on the north coast of the island of Java. It was one of the foremost cities of the Dutch East Indies, along with Batavia and Surabaya, a leading port and a centre of administration and trade. This article outlines the growth of the port of Semarang during the nineteenth century and discusses some of the conflict related to this growth over living conditions in parts of the city during the twentieth century, a conflict which smouldered for several decades among the government, members of the city council, and the non-European residents of the city, one which remained unresolved at the end of the colonial era.


1991 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 271-287
Author(s):  
A. G. Dickens

On 4 March 1554 some hundreds of London schoolboys fought a mock battle on Finsbury Field outside the northern wall of the city. Boys have always gratified their innate romanticism by playing at war, yet this incident, organized between several schools, was overtly political and implicitly religious in character. It almost resulted in tragedy, and, though scarcely noticed by historians, it does not fail to throw Ught upon London society and opinion during a major crisis of Tudor history. The present essay aims to discuss the factual evidence and its sources; thereafter to clarify the broader context and significance of the affair by briefer reference to a few comparable events which marked the Reformation struggle elsewhere. The London battle relates closely to two events in the reign of Mary Tudor: her marriage with Philip of Spain and the dangerous Kentish rebellion led by the younger Sir Thomas Wyatt. The latter’s objectives were to seize the government, prevent the marriage, and, in all probability, to place the Princess Elizabeth on the throne as the figurehead of a Protestant regime in Church and State. While Wyatt himself showed few signs of evangelical piety, the notion of a merely political revolt can no longer be maintained. Professor Malcolm R. Thorp has recendy examined in detail the lives of all the numerous known leaders, and has proved that in almost every case they display clear records of Protestant conviction. It is, moreover, common knowledge that Kent, with its exceptionally large Protestant population, provided at this moment the best possible recruiting-area in England for an attack upon the Catholic government. Though the London militia treasonably went over to Wyatt, the magnates with their retinues and associates rallied around the legal sovereign. Denied boats and bridges near the capital, Wyatt finally crossed the Thames at Kingston, but then failed to enter London from the west. By 8 February 1554 his movement had collapsed, though his execution did not occur until 11 April.


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