Bulgaria

Author(s):  
Rumyana Kolarova ◽  
Maria Spirova

Democracy in Bulgaria came as a result of a pact that preserved the role of the communist successor party to a larger degree than in many other post-communist countries in Central Eastern Europe (CEE). That had an impact on the nature of coalition government as well as an important but rarely noted aspect of the legacy of the successor party, the Bulgarian Socialist party (BSP). Because of the dominant position of the BSP, its personalized and centralized vision and practice of governing have remained characteristic of the political system. Coalition government is the dominant pattern in Bulgarian democratic politics: of the eleven party-based cabinets since 1990, only four were single-party ones. There are several major features of coalition government in Bulgaria: one is that party-building and coalition-making have been deeply intertwined over the entire period. Further, coalitions have been based on the understanding that parties divide the power and accompanying privileges, rather than that they share responsibility for government. Thus, in contrast to some longer-standing democracies the coalition formation process rarely involves detailed agreements on policy, and has mostly revolved around personalities and portfolios. As a result, coalition agreements have been minimal and the periods of coalition bargaining have been relatively short. Conflict resolution mechanisms are centralized and personalized, and coalitions have broken down because of narrow party political interests rather than because of principled conflicts over public policy.

Author(s):  
Gillian Doyle

Based on key players’ testimony and an extensive documented record, this chapter initially discusses the political background to the fraught merger talks between the BFI and the UKFC in 2009-2010, along with the uncertain role of the DCMS. It then turns to consider the shock decision to close the UKFC taken by Conservative ministers in the DCMS serving in the Coalition government elected in May 2010. Various possible reasons for closure are evaluated in considerable detail and the impact on the UKFC is described. The account analyses each of the steps taken by the DCMS to devise a new landscape of film support post-UKFC, with the BFI assuming many functions after extensive negotiation with ministers and civil servants. Next, the BFI’s new turn in film policy is considered. A range of views on the closure decision, both pro and con, is discussed.


Author(s):  
Helen Fenwick

This chapter considers proposals for changes that might be made by a British Bill of Rights, as compared with the Human Rights Act, under the Coalition government, or a future Conservative government. It considers views expressed by Conservative spokespersons prior to and after the 2010 general election, and answers given by members of the Bill of Rights Commission to the Political and Constitutional Reform Committee in 2011. This chapter also touches on the second aspect of the Commission's remit — its advisory role on reform of the European Court of Human Rights. It questions whether adopting a Bill of Rights on the lines favoured by the Conservative leadership, combined with the Strasbourg reforms recently determined on, would be likely to realise Conservative aims of creating divergence from Strasbourg and enhancing parliamentary autonomy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-178
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal

The people of Nepal have witnessed different political movements in the political history of Nepal. The political movements are influenced by different philosophies. Gita philosophy as well has marked distinct impact in the politics of Nepal. The people of Nepal had to bear a lot of injustice, oppression and exploitation during Rana rule. Although the governments prior to Rana rule were also not so much democratic, to some extent they were directed to public welfare. At the time of Rana rule there had taken place many reformations in global politics, but Nepali people were denied off very common citizen rights. So, there was a need for a democratic movement in Nepal. In the campaigns for democratic movements then, there was a very significant impact of Gita philosophy. It is found from this study that four martyrs of 1997BS and founder leaders of Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party were influenced by the ideas of Gita philosophy and the general public has a great faith on the Gita philosophy. Gita philosophy has formed the foundations for the democratic movement in Nepal. And even after the establishment of democracy in Nepal, there were series of political changes in Nepal. And in the revolutions or campaigns for restoration of democracy or for the republic, there has been a role of different political leaders and as many of the first-generation leaders are still in active politics, we can find direct or indirect influence of Gita philosophy in Nepalese politics. Though the later generations of leadership seem to have less knowledge about Gita, their activities and the political interests matched with the principles of Gita philosophy.


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ran Hirschl

AbstractOne of the fascinating yet seldom explored phenomena in predominantly religious polities in the Middle East and elsewhere is the growing reliance on constitutional courts and their jurisprudential ingenuity to contain the spread of religiosity or advance a pragmatic version of it. In this article, I explore the scope and nature of this phenomenon. I proceed in several main steps. First, I define what may be termed "constitutional theocracy" with its often conflicting legal commitments, political interests, and social realities. Second, I examine the main epistemological, juridical and political reasons why constitutional law and courts are so appealing to secularist, modernist, cosmopolitan, and other non-religious social forces in polities facing deep divisions along secular/religious lines. Third, I look at various modes of interpretive ingenuity drawn upon by constitutional courts in Egypt, Pakistan, Israel, and Turkey in order to contain, limit, and mitigate the resurgence of religiosity in their respective polities. All of these countries have experienced a growth in the influence of religious political movements, with a commensurate increase in the levels of popular support that they receive. Despite the considerable differences in these countries' formal recognition of, and commitment to, religious values, there are, however, some striking parallels in the way that the constitutional courts in these (and in other similarly situated countries) have positioned themselves as important secularizing forces within their respective societies. I conclude by drawing some general lessons concerning the political construction of judicial review and the secularizing role of constitutional courts in an increasingly religious world.


2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-291
Author(s):  
Dafnah Strauss

This paper studies political language in late nineteenth century partisan newspapers by (a) evaluating the degree of pragmatic force, or ideological closure in political editorial content published during the 1872 election year in three leading Iowa newspapers; and (b) linking variations in the degree of ideological closure of these texts to the institutional and social-political contexts of their production, i.e. the political role of editors and the web of relationships within which they performed their work. The degree of ideological closure is evaluated by analysing a range of rhetorical and discursive practices. The study identified variations in degree of closure both between newspapers affiliated with the same party and within a single newspaper over time. Such variations are interpreted as reflecting editors’ need to mitigate an intricate set of political interests and obligations. The analysis also brings to light the richness of partisan editorial language of this time. These finds demonstrate the complexity of the political language and discourse of Gilded Age newspapers.


2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 901-931
Author(s):  
Ellen Olislagers ◽  
Kristof Steyvers

This paper focuses on the role of size in coalition formation in the Flemish region in Belgium after the local elections of 2006. A quantitative analysis already showed that size matters at the local level. In this paper, portfolio allocation is considered as an important part of coalition formation. This paper illustrates that combining research methods can enhance our knowledge about the role of size in the coalition formation process. The results demonstrate that parties consider a minimal winning and minimum parties coalition as a starting point for the negotiations and other factors influence the final coalition outcome. In portfolio allocation proportionality rules, but parties also prefer competences related to their policy profile. Intra-party and personal characteristics play an important role in selecting the executive mandates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 202
Author(s):  
Ahmad Adi Suradi ◽  
Buyung Surahman

This article explains the dualism of the role of kiai pesantren (Islamic boarding school) in Banyuasin Regency, South Sumatera, as ulama and umara, which was later critically elaborated in this research on its implications to the pesantren education. Substantively, this research was inspired by the results of the study of the authors of the 2018 regional elections and ahead of the 2019 elections and presidential elections. The method of this writing can be categorized as qualitative research. The analysis in this paper is carried out on the basis of the concepts of space and field, especially to examine how far the kiai play religious teachings which they believe in social and political behavior in the midst of people’s lives. The results of this study indicate that the rise of kiai who are involved in the world of politics is full of intrigue and conflict among kiai-politicians. One important thing revealed in the involvement of kiai in the political world was that kiai were too close to power, so they used the pesantren for their political interests and made it an instrument for power. For a kiai of pesantren plus politicians, they should be able to carry out their two professions sincerely and istiqomah. If not, the influence of the kiai becomes meaningless, when his authority is deemed to have deviated from what he should have. As a result, many pesantren were abandoned and their development was very alarming. Because of differences in perspective in politics that lead to feuds between the interfaith and the pesantren that they foster.


2021 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-199
Author(s):  
Daria Słupianek-Tajnert

The article attempts to analyse the conceptualisation of the scientist-physicist based on the examples of selected reportages by Hanna Krall and Jacek Hugo-Bader. The analysis was conducted in an axiolinguistic key and its aim was to confirm the thesis about the important role of physicists in the Soviet axiosphere. It can be observed that in the axiological profile of a physicist, obtained on the basis of an empirical analysis, instrumental values dominate and these are closely connected with the fact that physicists are associated with political interests. Physicists, who function as objects of evaluation in the analysed reportages, are also a means of an indirect evaluation in relation to the political system in the USSR and reflect ways in which the country treats its citizens. The empirical material analysed allows us to conclude that within the Russian linguistic-cultural area, the physicist does not refer us only to a scientist dealing with a specific research discipline, but deserves to be called a concept that reflects a characteristic stage of the social and political life of the USSR, permanently inscribed into the axiosphere of that period.


Plaridel ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdelrahman Ali ◽  
Nurprapti Wahyu Widyastuti ◽  
Deddy Mulyana

This study explores how the democratization of media in Indonesia enhanced the role of television stations in raising voters’ political awareness about the 2014 legislative election. For this qualitative study, we interviewed two media experts and the chief editors of six television stations. We find that there are three general factors negatively affect TV’s role as a free public sphere, namely, production constraints, owners` political interests, and commercial aspects of the television industry. Concentration of ownership and commercialization have increased television’s orientation toward profit, minimizing its educative role, and minimizing its neutrality. However, television still increased voters’ awareness regarding the election technicalities but failed to reflect the visions of the competing candidates. The establishment of innovative community television could be an alternative for commercial TV in Indonesia. However, the performance of community TVs in Indonesia is hindered by the restricted access to frequency spectrum and low financial capabilities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-205
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Jasiecki

The aim of the article is to describe the genesis, role, significance, conditions and effects of economic cooperation of the Visegrad Group countries in the European Union, with particular emphasis on their development after 2015. It presents the distinguishing features and specifi city of the Group’s cooperation before accession to NATO and the EU in the context of the situation of Central Europe and other European post-communist countries, as well as the most important aspects of the political and economic potential of the V4 countries against the background of the EU and selected member states. Various aspects of their economic cooperation in the region are discussed, as well as the structural limitations of the role of the Visegrad Group countries in the EU and related controversy. The final part contains conclusions relating to the Group’s activities with regard to the main axes of political and economic divisions in the EU, with particular emphasis placed on economic dimensions.


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