Inside the State

Author(s):  
Lee Ann Banaszak ◽  
Anne Whitesell

This chapter focuses on women’s activism within government, particularly in national and state legislatures, as well as in the government bureaucracies at the national and state level. It begins by defining women’s activism in these arenas, and then discusses whether the type of activism of these groups fits with the understanding of activism in the social movement literature, drawing connections to issues of substantive and descriptive representation. A second section introduces the different tactics and strategies that these insider activists might utilize. The chapter then examines insider activists within the bureaucracies and legislatures separately, summarizing current understandings of insider activism in each branch and highlighting how institutional forms might influence their activism. We also analyze various definitions of women insider activists in detail, discussing how definitional differences might lead to different conclusions about the roles these women play. Finally, the chapter points to some directions for future research.

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 359-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jack M. Bloom

Studies of social movements have often focused on the role of the state vis-à-vis social movements—in recent times using the concept of political opportunity structure to understand the options available to social movements. This article examines the internal conflicts within the ruling party in Communist Poland to show that a reciprocal process proceeded, in which both the social movement and the state found the choices of action available to them limited by the other, rather than just the social movement. The social upheaval that impacted the entire country brought about the rise of a reform movement within the ruling Polish United Workers Party, which prevented the government from acting as it preferred for a significant period of time. That reform movement, which would not have existed without Solidarity and certainly would not have brought about intraparty changes by itself, saw itself as connected to and dependent upon Solidarity. Party conservatives had to respond to and overcome the reformers before they could turn their full attention to ending the challenge Solidarity presented to the Communist system. In effect, for a time, Solidarity limited the political opportunity structure of the state, while the reverse was also true. While social movement scholars have long considered the possibilities and the limits on possibilities available to social movements because of the state or other external circumstances, this experience demonstrates that similar considerations must sometimes be contemplated with respect to the state.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 189
Author(s):  
Carlos Bauer ◽  
Vanessa Amorim Dantas

RESUMONesses escritos são retomadas algumas passagens da educação pública no estado do Maranhão, desde os anos em que o Brasil esteve sob a égide do regime militar, instalado pela força em 1964, até a retomada democrática no país, realizada a partir dos meados da década de 1980. Tem-se como objetivo analisar os embates que se produziram entre as forças políticas estabelecidas no aparato estatal e os trabalhadores em educação nesse controverso período histórico. Imbuídos dessa perspectiva, os autores buscam delinear o percurso educacional vivenciado pelo maranhenses, a partir da compreensão crítica do contexto sociopolítico daquele momento, da análise das disposições políticas educacionais no domínio federal e sua incidência na esfera localizam as possíveis modificações ocorridas no ensino com a ascensão de novos sujeitos políticos ao governo, como também os pontos nevrálgicos que estão presentes nas lutas deflagradas pela valorização da docência num tempo social reconhecidamente conturbado. Com o estudo dessas trajetórias e suas repercussões nos movimentos associativistas e sindicais dos trabalhadores em educação, procura-se contribuir para ampliação de pesquisas de cunho históricoeducacional e, sobretudo, da história social daqueles que fazem a educação no Maranhão em sua cotidianidade.Palavras-chave: APEMA. História da educação. Maranhão.ABSTRACTIn these writings are taken some passages of public education in the state of Maranhão, from the years when Brazil was under the aegis of the military regime, installed by force in 1964, to the democratic revival in the country, held from mid- 1980. Which objective is to analyze the conflicts that took place between the political forces established in thestate apparatus and workers in education in this controversial historical period. Imbued with this perspective, the authors seek to outline the educational journey experienced by maranhense people, from the critical understanding of the socio-political context of that time, the analysis of education policy provisions in the federal domain and its impact on the state level; thereby locate the possible changes occurredin education with the rise of new political subjects to the government, as well as the hot spots that are present in the struggles triggered by the appreciation of teaching in an admittedly troubled social time. With the study of these trajectories and their impact on associative movementsand unions of workers in education, it seeks to contribute to expand research of historical and educational character and, above all, the social history of those who make education in Maranhao in its daily life. Keywords: APEMA. History of education. Maranhão.RESUMENEn estos escritos se retoman algunos pasajes de la educación pública en el Estado de Maranhão, desde los años en que Brasil estuvo bajo la égida del régimen militar, instalado por la fuerza en 1964, hasta la recuperación democrática en el país, celebrada desde mediados de la década de 1980. Tiene como objetivo analizar los embates que tuvieron lugar entre las fuerzas políticas establecidas en el aparato del Estado y los trabajadores de la educaciónen en este período histórico controvertido. Imbuidos de esta perspectiva, los autores tratan de delinear el camino educativo experimentado por los ciudadanos de Maranhão, desde la comprensión crítica del contexto sociopolítico de la época, del análisis de las disposiciones políticas educacionales en el dominio federal y su incidencia en el ámbito estatal; con eso localizan los posibles cambios ocurridos en la educación con la ascensión de nuevos sujetos políticos al gobierno, así como los puntos críticos que están presentes en las luchas deflagradas por la valorización de la docencia en un tiempo social reconocidamente contubado. Con el estudio de esas trayectorias y sus impactos en los movimentos asociativos y sindicatos de trabajadores en educación, se busca contribuir para ampliar las investigaciones de carácter histórico y educativo y, sobre todo, de la historia social de aquellos que hacen la educación en Maranhão en su cotidianidad.Palabras clave: APEMA. Historia de la educación. Maranhão. 


2001 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 116-120
Author(s):  
Lara Shahriyar Alameh

Increasingly, since the Sadat era in Egypt and especially resulting from hiseconomic policies (infitah), there has been a significant rise of Egyptianwomen who are putting on the "Islamic dress." Whereas women in theearly twentieth century were dramatically tearing off their veils andthrowing them into the Nile in order to desegregate society. Today,Egyptian women are very noticeably doing the opposite as a formof protest, while utilizing the same reasoning as before. The influx ofliterature about this so-called "Islamism" has been discussed in nearlyevery realm of the social sciences.In contrast to this phenomenon, Najde al-Ali's study on women'sactivity in Egypt is about a particular heterogeneous class of secularwomen, that she feels has been marginalized on the state level by the overarchingconcessions given to hegemonic "Islamist" policies. In effect, Alistates, "I had noticed the tendency to overlook secular constituencies inmuch of the recent scholarship dealing with Egypt, where the emphasis wason Islamist tendencies and activism."Secularism, Gender and the State in the Middle East: The EgyptianWomen's Movement, is a highly informative introductory and analyticalstudy of secular women's activities through the voice of a plethoraof Egyptian women's organizations. In the introduction Ali categorizeswomen's activism as being independent, associational and directed.Whereas independent organizations have a power base from within and aimto implement individual goals, associational and directed organizationscarry a more direct message outside the sphere of general women's issues.In the first chapter, Ali engages in a discussion about the relationship ofOrientalism and Occidentalism in post-colonial literature. The reader isintroduced to the idea that these conceptual frameworks have indeedlimited the indigenous authenticity of women's activism in Egypt byplacing them in one of two extremes, whether it be religious or secular.Immediately, Ali strives to make clear that certain values do not need to beauthenticated by any indigenous culture if they are "universal values".However, it is here where a significant weakness emerges, by notoutwardly recognizing the importance of the competitive universal valuesystems, including the "Islamist values", that are trying to find their spacein contemporary Egyptian political culture. Therefore, the message that is ...


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurwan Nurwan ◽  
Ali Hadara ◽  
La Batia

ABSTRAK: Inti pokok masalah dalam penelitian ini meliputi latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, Faktor-faktor yang mendorong gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna, proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna dan akibat gerakan sosial masyarakat Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna? Latar belakang gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba yaitu keadaan kampungnya yang hanya terdiri dari beberapa kepala keluarga tiap kampung dan jarak yang jauh masing-masing kampung membuat keadaan masyarakatnya sulit untuk berkomnikasi dan tiap kampung hanya terdiri dari lima sampai dengan tujuh kepala keluarga saja. Kampung ini letaknya paling timur pulau Muna terbentang dari ujung kota Raha sekarang sampai kampung Wakuru yang saat ini. Kondisi ini juga yang menjadi salah satu faktor penyebab kampung ini kurang berkembang baik dibidang ekonomi, sosial politik, pendidikan maupun di bidang kebudayaan. Keadaan ini diperparah lagi dengan sifat dan karakter penduduknya yang masih sangat primitif. Faktor yang mendorong adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna adalah adanya ketidaksesuaian antara keinginan pemerintah setempat dan masyarakat yang mendiami Kampung Labaluba pada waktu itu. Sedangkan proses gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna bermula ketika pemerintah seolah memaksakan kehendaknya kepada rakyat yang menyebabkan rakyat tidak setuju dengan kebijakan tersebut. Akibat yang ditimbulkan dari adanya gerakan sosial masyarakat Kampung Labaluba Desa Kontumere Kecamatan Kabawo Kabupaten Muna terbagi dua yaitu akibat positif dan akibat negatif.Kata Kunci: Gerakan Sosial, Factor dan Dampaknya ABSTRACT: The main issues in this study include the background of the social movement of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, Factors that encourage social movements of Labaluba Kampung Sub-village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District, Muna District, the social movement process of Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo Sub-District Muna Regency and due to Labaluba community social movements Kontumere Village Kabawo District Muna Regency? The background of the Labaluba Kampung community social movement is that the condition of the village consists of only a few heads of households per village and the distance of each village makes it difficult for the community to communicate and each village only consists of five to seven households. This village is located east of the island of Muna stretching from the edge of the city of Raha now to the current village of Wakuru. This condition is also one of the factors causing the village to be less developed in the economic, social political, educational and cultural fields. This situation is made worse by the very primitive nature and character of the population. The factor that motivated the existence of the social movement of Labaluba Village in Kontumere Village, Kabawo Subdistrict, Muna Regency was the mismatch between the wishes of the local government and the people who inhabited Labaluba Village at that time. While the process of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency began when the government seemed to impose its will on the people, causing the people to disagree with the policy. The consequences arising from the existence of social movements in Labaluba Village, Kontumere Village, Kabawo District, Muna Regency are divided into two, namely positive and negative effects. Keywords: Social Movements, Factors and their Impacts


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 215013272199545
Author(s):  
Areej Khokhar ◽  
Aaron Spaulding ◽  
Zuhair Niazi ◽  
Sikander Ailawadhi ◽  
Rami Manochakian ◽  
...  

Importance: Social media is widely used by various segments of society. Its role as a tool of communication by the Public Health Departments in the U.S. remains unknown. Objective: To determine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on social media following of the Public Health Departments of the 50 States of the U.S. Design, Setting, and Participants: Data were collected by visiting the Public Health Department web page for each social media platform. State-level demographics were collected from the U.S. Census Bureau. The Center for Disease Control and Prevention was utilized to collect information regarding the Governance of each State’s Public Health Department. Health rankings were collected from “America’s Health Rankings” 2019 Annual report from the United Health Foundation. The U.S. News and World Report Education Rankings were utilized to provide information regarding the public education of each State. Exposure: Data were pulled on 3 separate dates: first on March 5th (baseline and pre-national emergency declaration (NED) for COVID-19), March 18th (week following NED), and March 25th (2 weeks after NED). In addition, a variable identifying the total change across platforms was also created. All data were collected at the State level. Main Outcome: Overall, the social media following of the state Public Health Departments was very low. There was a significant increase in the public interest in following the Public Health Departments during the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic. Results: With the declaration of National Emergency, there was a 150% increase in overall public following of the State Public Health Departments in the U.S. The increase was most noted in the Midwest and South regions of the U.S. The overall following in the pandemic “hotspots,” such as New York, California, and Florida, was significantly lower. Interesting correlations were noted between various demographic variables, health, and education ranking of the States and the social media following of their Health Departments. Conclusion and Relevance: Social media following of Public Health Departments across all States of the U.S. was very low. Though, the social media following significantly increased during the early course of the COVID-19 pandemic, but it still remains low. Significant opportunity exists for Public Health Departments to improve social media use to engage the public better.


1981 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 309-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Micheline Plasse

This article first presents a brief survey of the role and functions filled by the personal aide (chef de cabinet) of a minister in Quebec. The analysis continues, in a comparative perspective, by tracing a sociological and professional portrait of the Liberal“chefs de cabinet” in April 1976 and their successors in the pequiste government in July 1977.We then test the hypothesis that the cleavage between the government and the dominant economic forces has increased since November 15, 1976 as a result of the ideology articulated by the“chefs de cabinet” regarding the social and economic aims of the state. This hypothesis was confirmed.The hypothesis that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” exercise a more pronounced influence on the decision-making process is also confirmed. Nevertheless, one cannot argue that the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” usurped the power of the legislators; their influence is more political than technocratic. The growing influence of the pequiste“chefs de cabinet” neverthelsss helps to accentuate the tensions and conflicts between the higher civil service and the ministerial aides.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 233-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francine Lafontaine ◽  
Fiona Scott Morton

In fall 2008, General Motors and Chrysler were both on the brink of bankruptcy, and Ford was not far behind. As the government stepped in and restructuring began, GM and Chrysler announced their plan to terminate about 2,200 dealerships. In this paper, we first provide an overview of franchising in car distribution, how it came about, and the legal framework within which it functions. States earn about 20 percent of all state sales taxes from auto dealers. As a result, new car dealerships, and especially local or state car dealership associations, have been able to exert influence over local legislatures. This has led to a set of state laws that almost guarantee dealership profitability and survival—albeit at the expense of manufacturer profits. Available evidence and theory suggests that as a result of these laws, distribution costs and retail prices are higher than they otherwise would be; and this is particularly true for Detroit's Big Three car manufacturers—which is likely a factor contributing to their losses in market share vis-à-vis other manufacturers. After discussing the evidence on the effects of the car franchise laws on dealer profit and car prices, we turn to the interaction of the franchise laws and manufacturers' response to the auto crisis. Last, we consider what car distribution might be like if there were no constraints on organization. We conclude that although the state-level franchise laws came about for a reason, the current crisis perhaps provides an opportunity to reconsider the kind of regulatory framework that would best serve consumers, rather than carmakers or car dealers.


Author(s):  
Luana Faria Medeiros

POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY AND THE MINERAL SECTOR: the legislative propositions that impact the management of the territories with mining in the state of Pará – 2011 to 2016GEOGRAFÍA POLÍTICA Y EL SECTOR MINERO: las proposiciones legislativas que impactan la gestión de los territorios con la minería en el estado de Pará – 2011 a 2016O presente trabalho tem o objetivo de resgatar o campo da política na Geografia, no contexto da atividade mineral no estado do Pará, principalmente diante de vários entendimentos de que os conflitos de interesses nas sociedades e nos territórios se resolvem também pelo viés político; partindo de uma leitura teórica do conceito de território, poder e política, onde essa tríade será determinante para o entendimento das proposições legislativas dos anos de 2011 a 2016 voltadas para a mineração, e da análise da gestão política e territorial no setor mineral paraense e seus impactos na sociedade a partir das políticas públicas. A relevância da pesquisa está no aspecto político que envolve a tomada de decisão que é essencialmente importante nas relações sociais de poder do Governo do Estado do Pará que, materializadas, causam impactos no território com mineração, sobretudo na utilização da taxa mineral, instrumento regulador de ação no território.Palavras-chave: Território; Poder; Política; Mineração.ABSTRACTThe present work aims to redeem the field of politics in geography, in the context of the mineral activity in the state of Pará, mainly faced with various understanding that conflicts of interests in societies and territories also resolve by bias Political; Starting from a theoretical reading of the concept of territory, power and politics, where this triad will be decisive for the understanding of the legislative propositions of the years of 2011 to 2016 focused on mining, and the analysis of the political and territorial management in the mineral sector Pará and Its impacts on society from public Policy. The relevance of the research is in the political aspect which involves the decision making which is essentially important in the social relations of the Government of the state of Pará that, materialized, cause impacts on the territory with mining, especially in the use of the mineral rate, Action-regulating instrument in the territory.Keywords: Territory; Power; Policy; Mining.RESUMEN El presente trabajo pretende redimir el campo de la política en geografía, en el contexto de la actividad minera en el estado de Pará, frente principalmente a diversos entendimientos de que los conflictos de intereses en sociedades y territorios también se resuelven por sesgo Política. A partir de una lectura teórica del concepto de territorio, poder y política, donde esta tríada será decisiva para la comprensión de las proposiciones legislativas de los años de 2011 a 2016 se centró en la minería, y el análisis de la gestión política y territorial en el sector minero de Pará y Sus impactos en la sociedad de la política pública. La relevancia de la investigación está en el aspecto político que implica la toma de decisiones que es esencialmente importante en las relaciones sociales del gobierno del estado de Pará que, materializadas, causan impactos en el territorio con la minería, especialmente en el uso de la tasa mineral, Instrumento de regulación de la acción en el territorio.Palabras clave: Territorio; Poder; Política; Minería.


Author(s):  
Asma A. Rahim ◽  
Sujina C. Muthukutty ◽  
Sabitha R. Jacob ◽  
Rini Ravindran ◽  
Jayakrishnan Thayyil ◽  
...  

Kozhikode district of North Kerala, India witnessed an outbreak of Nipah virus (NiV) in the month of May 2018. Two adjacent districts were affected leaving 17 patients dead out of the 19 confirmed. United Nations and WHO lauded the expeditious response of the state’s health system in the diagnosis and containment of the outbreak which was unprecedented. The authors being in the contact tracing and surveillance operation district team, had kept a record of timeline of events and actions at the state level, compiled the news clippings and tracked events. In the absence of an end‑of‑epidemic report for reference, these records served as a valuable tool for the present review. We used the Management science for health frame work tool (MSH framework) to evaluate the district and state coordinated actions which helped in curbing the outbreak. Though NiV outbreak in South India (2018) had similar epidemiological features to previous disease outbreaks, it stands out as the one to be detected and contained in a short span of time. As health personnel working in the government medical college of an affected district and directly involved in contact tracing operations and containment measures, exploring and sharing, what worked and how, in the context of multidisciplinary response and recovery attempts of the outbreak in the state may be beneficial to public health personnel and policy makers. This management framework may be replicated in the national and international context, particularly in South East Asian region under threat of emerging viral infections like COVID-19, lacking specific epidemic management frameworks for outbreak response and containment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 283
Author(s):  
Imam Sukardi

The political concept of Alfarabi is derivated from the concept of Platonic, Aristotelian, and Islam. The ideal state is the state which is elaborated the universal values of humanism, not just limited to certain ethnic and nation which is emphasizing its obedience just to God, not the something else. In this paper, the writer tried to interpret the original works of Alfarabi which is directly related to his political thought and the other thinkers who are studying his political thought. In his political thought, Alfarabi emphasized that the main purpose of the state is to make the social-welfare for its citizens. Based on the organic theory, Alfarabi stated that the government of the state is just look-like the human organism system. In which, each of the existing element functioned to strengthen each other to achieve one goal. The ideal state for Alfarabi is the state which is having the goals for its citizen welfare, and who become the prime leader is a philosopher, who is having the prophetic character, having the wider knowledge, and able to communicate with al 'aql al fa’al trough al ‘aql mustafad. 


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