Global Banking Regulation

Author(s):  
Howard Davies ◽  
Maria Zhivitskaya

Global banking regulation, in the sense of setting common capital standards for international banks, has a forty-year history. Its early development reflected the instincts for cooperation on the part of central banks in the face of rapidly integrating global firms and for a time was highly effective and adaptive. The informality of the Basel Committee and its absence of legal status were seen as advantages, allowing agreements to be reached below the political radar. But the move from “by and large” guidelines to a detailed corpus of regulation applying to all banks has shown the limitations of a voluntarist approach, and there are signs that further progress toward common standards, evenly enforced, has stalled in the face of domestic political imperatives. That raises fundamental questions about the need for treaty underpinning of international financial standards, so far seen as too politically difficult, to guard against regulatory arbitrage.

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-204
Author(s):  
Matteo Ortino

ABSTRACT The Basel Committee on Banking Supervision and the composite wider legal and institutional environment to which it is part provide a useful case study to illustrate how complexity is addressed in the public policy realm. As its central proposition, this article argues that it is possible to identify a specific pattern and logic underlying the governance of global banking today. The pattern concerns the institutional dimension of global banking regulation, particularly with respect to the distribution of regulatory powers among the various actors involved, and the legal relationships between these actors. The overall pattern seems to follow a certain logic, which will be explored and explained borrowing the military distinction between strategy, operations, and tactics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205-218
Author(s):  
Valentin Yur’evich Vakhrushev ◽  
Andrey Viktorovich Zakharov ◽  
Mikail Bekzadaevich Khudzhatov

In the face of the COVID-19 pandemic world banking system is being severely tested. The last time such shocks occurred during the global fi nancial crisis of 2008–2009. However, the crisis of the global banking system in 2020 caused by the COVID-19 pandemic is very diff erent from the global fi nancial crisis of 2008–2009. During the previous global fi nancial crisis, central banks around the world were able to cut key rates to stimulate the aff ected economy, while the current crisis is taking place in conditions of extremely low and even negative key rates. Consequently, the central banks of the economically developed countries of the world lack one of the most eff ective tools to stimulate the economy in the face of a global crisis. Since the maximum income of commercial banks is generated by the operation of high key rates, the downward trend in recent years is a serious risk to the business of commercial banks. The article analyses the dynamics of key rates in the economically developed countries of the world in comparison with China and the Russian Federation, based on the results of this document, the main trends and patterns were identified, the most dangerous risks for commercial banks are shown. Besides the article discusses the modern conceptual provisions of interest rate risk management in commercial banks of the Russian Federation. They form the basis for the development of constructive methods for assessing commercial risk and the formation of managerial decisions that ensure its prevention or reduction of negative consequences in the event of the implementation of risk events that determine it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (XX) ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Wiktor Hołubko

After the collapse of the USSR in August 1991 and the emergence of new sovereign states on its territory, they all formed the office of the president within a few years. It became very attractive to them for a number of reasons: it was able to guarantee political stability in the face of radical transformations of their systems, to facilitate the transition from authoritarianism to democracy, and to legitimize the political and legal status of the former Soviet ruling elites. During the years of independence, the presidency has taken various forms. A large part of post-Soviet states chose the presidential form of government in some places with signs of authoritarianism, which was reflected in the desire to constantly strengthen the role of this office. Few states have chosen a mixed form of government in which the office of the president is largely influenced by the balance of domestic political forces. The phenomenon of its excessive personification plays an important role in determining the influence of the president on the functioning of public authorities in post-Soviet countries. The least popular is the parliamentary form of government, in which the office of the president is left with very limited powers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 30-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. N. Krasavina

The global 2008–2009 crisis revealed vulnerability of banks to crisis shocks and stimulated the introduction of global banking regulation and supervision. The subject of study is investigation of Russia’s participation in the globalization of banking regulation and supervision and increased role of banks in modernization of Russia’s social and economic development. The purpose of work is to answer the question on how to combine the need to introduce global Basel standards with national interests in the context of a new economic growth strategy. As a result of the study based on the positive assessment by the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (BKBN) of the compliance of Russian regulatory framework and banking legislation with global Basel standards, it is concluded that in coordination with the Basel Committee it is advisable to expand the Bank of Russia practice of compensation measures to ease the Basel III rigid requirements to increase banks’ role in the modernization of social and economic development of the country.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


2019 ◽  
pp. 122-139
Author(s):  
I.V. Kryuchkov

В представленном материале исследуется положение военнопленных стран Четверного союза на территории Ставропольской губернии. В статье отмечается незначительное ухудшение условий содержания пленных в г. Ставрополе и ряде сел губернии в начале 1917 г., что не отразилось на общей привлекательности губернии для пленных в сравнении с другими регионами России. Февральская революция 1917 г. способствовала либерализации правового статуса пленных. Однако нарастание в стране политического и экономического кризиса привело к ухудшению положения пленных, в том числе в Ставропольской губернии. С осени 1917 г. они всеми доступными средствами стремились покинуть губернию и выехать за пределы России.The position of prisoners of war of the Quadruple Alliance countries on the territory of Stavropol Province is considered in the article. A modest deterioration of the detention conditions of prisoners in Stavropol and certain villages of the province at the beginning of 1917 is marked in the material. The deterioration didnt affect the general attractiveness of the province to prisoners in comparison with other regions of Russia. The February Revolution of 1917 promoted the liberalization of the legal status of prisoners. However, the growth of the political and economic crises in the country led to the deterioration of prisoners position, including Stavropol Province. They had sought to leave the province and Russia by all available means since the autumn of 1917.


Author(s):  
David T. Llewellyn

The most serious global banking crisis in living memory has given rise to one of the most substantial changes in the regulatory regime of banks. While not all central banks have responsibility for regulation, because they are almost universally responsible for systemic stability, they have an interest in bank regulation. Two core objectives of regulation are discussed: lowering the probability of bank failures and minimizing the social costs of failures that do occur. The underlying culture of banking creates business standards and employee attitudes and behavior. There are limits to what regulation can achieve if the underlying cultures of regulated firms are hazardous. There are limits to what can be achieved through detailed, prescriptive, and complex rules, and when, because of what is termed the endogeneity problem, rules escalation raises issues of proportionality, a case is made for banking culture to become a supervisory issue.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110090
Author(s):  
David T Smith ◽  
Katie Attwell ◽  
Uwana Evers

COVID-19 vaccine development has been widely awaited, but concerns around acceptance and political polarisation prevail. We sought to determine the willingness of Australians to take a (then prospective) COVID-19 vaccine, compared with their previously recorded opinions about other vaccines. We also sought to determine reasons for hesitancy, levels of support for possible government mandates, and the political basis of support. We surveyed 1200 Australians, including 898 participants in a panel previously asked in 2017 about vaccines and mandates. In all, 66% of respondents indicated they would take a coronavirus vaccine, less than the 88% who in 2017 agreed that vaccines are safe, effective, and necessary. Also, 70% of the respondents who indicated hesitancy were concerned about the safety of the vaccine if it was developed too quickly, and 73% of all respondents agreed that the government should require a coronavirus vaccine for work, travel, and study. This is lower than the 85% who agreed with the childhood vaccine mandate in 2017, but slightly higher than the number of respondents who indicated that they would definitely be willing to take the coronavirus vaccine themselves. Older respondents, higher income respondents, and respondents who vote for major parties were all significantly more likely to take a coronavirus vaccine and to support government requirements.


Author(s):  
Pablo Iglesias-Rodríguez

AbstractThis article proposes that product intervention constitutes a form of residual lawmaking by ESMA that allows it to tackle aspects of investor protection not addressed by EU incomplete financial laws. Whilst product intervention may bring about certain advantages and may contribute to mitigating regulatory arbitrage problems, it constitutes a highly intrusive regulatory mechanism that raises important questions concerning: (a) ESMA’s rationale and motivations for its use; (b) its compliance with the EU constitutional framework; and (c) its adequacy for the regulation of complex financial products. This article addresses these questions through an analysis of the rationale and consequences of ESMA’s product intervention measures on binary options and contracts for differences of May 2018–July 2019, and of recent reforms of ESMA’s powers. It offers three main contributions to the existing literature. First, it contributes to the literature on administrative discretion and agencies’ rulemaking through an analysis of the political economy of ESMA’s deployment of product intervention powers and, also, of what this reveals about the relationships between ESMA and the EU Institutions, on the one side, and ESMA and National Competent Authorities, on the other. Second, it contributes to the literature on the constitutionality of EU agencies through an examination of the compliance of ESMA’s product intervention measures with EU constitutional law and requirements. Third, it examines whether product intervention constitutes an adequate mechanism to address problems pertaining to investor protection in complex financial products markets and, in doing so, it contributes to the scholarly discussion on complex financial products’ regulation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document