Political Equality and Turnout

Author(s):  
André Blais ◽  
Ruth Dassonneville ◽  
Filip Kostelka

This chapter examines the relationship between voter turnout and political inequality. It investigates which groups are less (more) likely to vote, whether these groups are less (better) represented in Parliament, and whether their interests and values are less (better) defended in the actual policies that are adopted and implemented by governments. Existing research finds that economically and socially disadvantaged groups are more likely to abstain when voter turnout is low in established democracies. While low voter turnout does not systematically benefit a particular political camp, there is evidence that it produces a bias in public policy and reduces government responsiveness. The chapter concludes by discussing avenues for future research.

1993 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Craig Andrews ◽  
Richard G. Netemeyer ◽  
Srinivas Durvasula

The authors examine an important public policy issue, namely, the effectiveness of federally mandated and proposed alcohol warning labels. Specifically, warning label cognitive responses are tested as mediators of effects of five different alcohol warning label types on label attitudes. On the basis of requirements for ANOVA-based mediation, net support arguments mediated 76% of the warning label treatment effect on label attitudes. Following requirements for regression-based mediation, net support arguments mediated the relationship from attitude toward drinking to label attitudes. Public policy implications and future research directions are provided.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eri Bertsou

AbstractIncreasing political distrust has become a commonplace observational remark across many established democracies, and it is often used to explain current political phenomena. In contrast to most scholarship that focuses solely on the concept of trust and leaves distrust untheorized, this article makes a contribution by analysing political distrust. It argues that citizen distrust of government and political institutions poses a threat for democratic politics and clarifies the relationship between the distrust observed in established democracies and classical ‘liberal distrust’, which is considered beneficial for democracy. Further, it addresses the relationship between trust and distrust, identifying a series of functional asymmetries between the two concepts, with important implications for theoretical and empirical work in political science. The article suggests that a conceptualization of political distrust based on evaluations of incompetence, unethical conduct and incongruent interests can provide a fruitful ground for future research that aims to understand the causes, consequences, and potential remedies for political distrust.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 395-413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Armin Schäfer ◽  
Hanna Schwander

AbstractIn this paper, we investigate whether income inequality negatively affects voter turnout. Despite some progress, the answer to this question is still debated due to methodological disagreements and differences in the selection of countries and time periods. We contribute to this debate by triangulating data and methods. More specifically, we use three kinds of data to resolve the question: first, we use cross-sectional aggregate data of 21 OECD countries in the time period from 1980 to 2014 to study the relationship between inequality and electoral participation. Second, we zoom in on the German case and examine local data from 402 administrative districts between 1998 and 2017. Focusing on within-country variation eliminates differences that are linked to features of the political system. Finally, we combine survey data with macro-data to investigate the impact of inequality on individual voting. This final step also allows us to test whether the effect of income inequality on voter turnout differs across income groups. Taken together, we offer the most comprehensive analysis of the impact of social inequality on political inequality to date. We corroborate accounts that argue that economic inequality exacerbates participatory inequality.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 301-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
João L. Bastos ◽  
Catherine E. Harnois ◽  
Carla O. Bernardo ◽  
Marco A. Peres ◽  
Yin C. Paradies

Despite ideals of equality and “racial democracy,” high levels of social inequality persist in contemporary Brazil. In addition, while the majority of the Brazilian population acknowledges the persistence of racism, high proportions of socially disadvantaged groups do not regard themselves as victims of discrimination. This study seeks to shed light on this issue by investigating the processes through which individuals come to interpret their experiences of mistreatment as discrimination. We ask: (1) How frequently do respondents perceive being treated differently due to a variety of social statuses alone and in combination? and (2) What factors are associated with respondents interpreting this differential treatment as “discrimination”? Data come from an ongoing cohort investigation, which included a representative sample of adults living in the urban area of Florianópolis. Results show that 45 percent of respondents experienced mistreatment and attributed it to two or more factors, such as social class, age, gender, and race. Perceptions of mistreatment based on social class were positively correlated with perceived mistreatment due to gender, place of residence, weight, race, and the way one dresses. Regression analyses revealed that interpreting differential treatment as stemming from multiple social statuses was the strongest predictor of respondents classifying their mistreatment as discrimination. Our findings highlight the importance of disentangling perceptions of mistreatment from perceptions of discrimination and show that the relationship between the two is structured in large part by the ways in which individuals interpret their experiences at the intersection of multiple inequalities.


Author(s):  
K. Dupuy ◽  
J. Eastin

Abstract This concluding chapter outlines several key points about the relationship between gender, climate change, and livelihood that have been highlighted by the contributions in this book. First, climate change is a gender issue. Second, the gender implications of climate change are not universal; different social, cultural, and ecological contexts can require distinct diagnoses and prescriptions. Third, climate change generates a broad range of direct and indirect outcomes for women and their livelihoods. Fourth, for governments, a laissez-faire approach to dealing with the gender dimensions of climate change is not only insufficient, it is counterproductive. Fifth, while governments must be active in their approach to mitigating climate vulnerabilities and fostering adaptations, the content, design, and implementation of public policy is important. Finally, women have agency and are using it, as grassroots organizers and activists, and as mothers, sisters, daughters, wives, and community members fighting for their lives and livelihoods. The chapter also discusses the book's themes in light of the ongoing global COVID-19 pandemic; and provides some directions and ideas for future research.


2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Flavin

This review essay illustrates the importance and utility of studying political equality among rich and poor citizens at the state level, reviews what is known in three key areas of political equality research in the states (unequal rates of political participation, unequal government responsiveness to citizens’ political opinions, and public policy and inequality), and suggests possible future avenues of inquiry. The ultimate aim is to organize and integrate existing knowledge about political equality in the American states and spur future investigations that will further extend understanding among researchers and practitioners of state politics.


2018 ◽  
pp. 209-226
Author(s):  
Nicholas Carnes

This chapter discusses the growing body of research on the oversized political influence of the upper class in American politics and the somewhat checkered recent history of conventional political equality reforms like campaign finance laws, lobbying regulations, and programs to increase voter turnout. Whereas these kinds of programs have encountered numerous practical and political roadblocks, pilot efforts to recruit and support working-class candidates have been remarkably successful. Activists who want to give the less fortunate more of a say in American politics have always had a curious blind spot when it comes to helping the less fortunate hold office. It may be time for that to change. If reformers want to continue moving the needle on the problem of political inequality, one of their best bets may be to start paying attention to America's cash ceiling.


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Lewis ◽  
David M. G. Lewis

AbstractPepper & Nettle use an evolutionary framework to argue that “temporal discounting” is an appropriate response to low socioeconomic status (SES), or deprivation. We suggest some conceptual refinements to their “appropriate-response” perspective, with the hope that it usefully informs future research on and public policy responses to the relationship between deprivation and temporal discounting.


Author(s):  
Mark N. Franklin ◽  
Cees van der Eijk ◽  
Diana Evans ◽  
Michael Fotos ◽  
Wolfgang Hirczy de Mino ◽  
...  

Crisis ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 232-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher R. DeCou ◽  
Monica C. Skewes

Abstract. Background: Previous research has demonstrated an association between alcohol-related problems and suicidal ideation (SI). Aims: The present study evaluated, simultaneously, alcohol consequences and symptoms of alcohol dependence as predictors of SI after adjusting for depressive symptoms and alcohol consumption. Method: A sample of 298 Alaskan undergraduates completed survey measures, including the Young Adult Alcohol Consequences Questionnaire, the Short Alcohol Dependence Data Questionnaire, and the Beck Depression Inventory – II. The association between alcohol problems and SI status was evaluated using sequential logistic regression. Results: Symptoms of alcohol dependence (OR = 1.88, p < .05), but not alcohol-related consequences (OR = 1.01, p = .95), emerged as an independent predictor of SI status above and beyond depressive symptoms (OR = 2.39, p < .001) and alcohol consumption (OR = 1.08, p = .39). Conclusion: Alcohol dependence symptoms represented a unique risk for SI relative to alcohol-related consequences and alcohol consumption. Future research should examine the causal mechanism behind the relationship between alcohol dependence and suicidality among university students. Assessing the presence of dependence symptoms may improve the accuracy of identifying students at risk of SI.


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